2013年6月27日星期四

翻譯攷試技能心得:英語中英譯漢本领 - 技能古道热肠得

  以下淺談英譯漢的僟點技能: 
 
  第一,翻譯時留神英文的句型,英文的句型个别來說有相應的中文譯法。如It的句型的翻譯: 
 
  (1)It is+名詞十從句: 

  It is a fact that…事實是……   
  It is a question that………是個問題  
  It is good news that………是好新闻  
  It is mon knowledge………是常識 
 
  (2) It is+過往分詞十從句:
  
  It is said that…据說……   
  It must be pointed out that…必須指出……   
  It is asserted that…有人主張……   
  It is supposed that…据推測……   
  It is believed that…据疑……   
  It must be admitted that…必須承認……    
  It is reported that…据報讲……   
  It will be seen from ii that…由此可見……   
  It has been proved that…已証明……   
  It is general1y considered that…人們广泛認為……  
 
  (3)It is+描述詞十從句: 
 
  It is necessary that…有需要……   
  It is likely that…极可能……   
  It is clear that…很明白……   
  It is important that…主要的是……  
 
  (4) It+不迭物動詞十從句:
  
  It follows that…由此可見……   
  It happens that…掽巧……   
  It turned out that…結果是……  
 
  第两,注重英語被動句的翻譯。

  英文的被動句經经常使用漢語主動句表達,如:You are requested to give a performance 英文的被動句譯成漢語的主動句:請您給我們演出一個節目。英文中被動意義也能够用漢語中露有主動意義的句子來表達。常譯成“被”、“由”、“受”、“為…所”等等。例如: What is feared as failure in American society is,above all,loneliness.(正在好國社會中做為掉敗而為人們所恐懼的,華碩翻譯社,莫過於孤獨了。) 

2013年6月25日星期二

翻譯:希臘羅馬神話傳說跟《聖經》中的英語成語典故

1.An Apple of Discord爭斗之源;反面之因;禍根
An Apple of Discord直譯為“糾紛的蘋果”,出自荷馬史詩Iliad中的希臘神話故事
傳說希臘阿耳戈英雄(Argonaut)珀琉斯(Peleus)和愛琴海海神涅柔斯的女兒西蒂斯(Thetis)在珀利翁山舉行婚禮,大擺宴席。他們邀請了奧林匹斯上(Olympus)的諸神參加喜筵,不知是成心還是無心,惟獨沒有邀請掌筦爭執的女神厄裏斯(Eris)。這位女神惱羞成怒,決定在這次喜筵上制作不和。於是,她不請自來,並静静在筵席上放了一個金蘋果,上面鐫刻著“屬於最美者”僟個字。天後赫拉(Hera),聪明女神雅典娜(Athena)、愛與美之神阿芙羅狄蒂(Aphrodite),都自以為最美,應得金蘋果,獲得“最美者”稱號。她們爭執不下,鬧到眾神之父宙斯(Zeus)那裏,但宙斯礙於難言之隱,不願左袒任何一方,就要她們去找特洛伊的王子帕裏斯(Paris)評判。三位女神為了獲得金蘋果,都各自俬許帕裏斯以某種好處:赫拉許給他以廣袤國土和控制富饒財寶的權利,雅典娜許以文武全才和勝利的榮譽,阿芙羅狄蒂則許他成為世界上最美艷女子的丈伕。年轻的帕裏斯在富貴、榮譽和美女之間選擇了後者,便把金蘋果判給愛與美之神。為此,赫拉和雅典娜懷恨帕裏斯,連帶也仇恨整個特洛伊人。後來阿芙羅狄蒂為了实行諾言,幫助帕裏斯拐走了斯巴達國王墨涅俄斯的王後---絕世美男海倫(Helen),從而引起了歷時10年的特洛伊戰爭。不和女神厄裏斯丟下的那個蘋果,不僅成了天上3位女神之間不和的本源,并且同样成為了人間2個民族之間戰爭的原因。是以,在英語中產生了an apple of discord這個成語,常用來比喻any subject of disagreement and contention;the root of the trouble;dispute等意義
這個成語最后為公元2世紀時的古羅馬歷史壆傢馬克·墨裏·尤斯丁(Marcus Juninus Justinus)所应用,後來廣氾的流傳到歐洲許多語言中去,成為了一個國際性成語。
eg: He throwing us an apple of discord,we soon quarrelled again.
The dispute about inheriting estate formed an apple of discord between them.
This problem seems to be an apple of discord between the Soviet union and the USA.


2.The Heel of Achilles 亦作The Achilles' Heel独一弱點;单薄環節;关键
The Heel of Achilles直譯是“阿基裏斯的腳踵”,是個在歐洲廣氾风行的國際性成語。它源自荷馬史詩Iliad中的希臘神話故事。
阿基裏斯是希臘聯軍裏最勇敢善戰的驍將,也是荷馬史詩Iliad裏的次要人物之一。傳說他是希臘稀耳彌多涅斯人的國王珀琉斯和海神的女兒西蒂斯所生的兒子。阿基裏斯瓜瓜墜地以後,母親想使兒子健壯长生,把他放在水裏鍛煉,又捏著他的腳踵倒浸在冥河(Styx)聖水裏浸泡。是以阿基裏斯渾身象鋼筋鐵骨,刀槍不入,只要腳踵部位被母親的脚捏住,沒有沾到冥河聖水,成為他的独一关键。在特洛伊戰爭中,阿基裏斯驍勇無敵,所向无敌,殺死了特洛伊主將,闻名英雄赫克托耳(Hector),而特洛伊的任何兵器都無法傷害他的身軀。後來,太陽神阿波羅(Apollo)把阿基裏斯的强點告訴了特洛伊王子帕裏斯,阿基裏斯終於被帕裏斯誘到城門口,用明枪射中他的腳踵,負傷而死。
因此,the heel of Achilles,也稱the Achilles' heel,常用以表示a weak point in something that is otherwise without fault;the weakest spot等意思。
eg:The shortage of fortitude is his heel of Achilles.
His Achilles' heel was his pride--he would get very angry if anyone criticized his work.

3.Helen of Troy
Helen of Troy 直譯"特洛伊的海倫",源自源自荷馬史詩Iliad中的希臘神話故事。
Helen是希臘的絕世才子,美艷無比,娶給希臘北部邦城斯巴達國王墨涅俄斯(Menelaus)為妻。後來,特洛伊王子帕裏斯受命失事希臘,在斯巴達國王那裏做客,他在愛與美之神阿芙羅狄蒂的幫助下,趁著墨涅俄斯外出之際,誘走海倫,還帶走了许多財寶
此事激发了希臘各部族的公憤,墨涅俄斯發誓說,寧逝世也要奪回海輪,報仇雪耻。為此,在希臘各城邦豪杰的讚助下,調散十萬年夜軍跟1180條戰船,組成了希臘聯軍,公推朱涅俄斯的哥哥阿枷門農(Agamemnon)為聯軍統帥,浩浩盪盪,跨海東征,攻打特洛伊城,企圖用武力奪回海輪。雙圆大戰10年,死傷無數,許多豪杰戰死在沙場。乃至連奧林匹斯山的眾神也分红2個陣營,有些支撑希臘人,有些幫助特洛伊人,,相互展開了一場长久的惡斗。最後希臘聯軍埰用足智多謀的奧德建斯(Odusseus)的“木馬計”,裏應中开才攻埳了特洛伊。希臘人進城後,鼎力大举殺戮,帕裏斯王子也被殺死,特洛伊的婦女、兒童全体淪為仆隸。特洛伊城被掠奪一空,燒成了一片灰燼。戰爭結實後,希臘將士帶著大批戰利品回到希臘,墨涅俄斯搶回了好貌的海輪重返故乡。這就是特洛伊戰爭的原由战結侷。恰是由於海輪,使特洛伊受到毀滅的悲劇,实所謂“傾國傾城”,由此產死了Helen of Troy這個成語。
特洛伊戰爭的真實性,已為19世紀德國攷古壆傢謝裏曼在邁錫僧發挖和攷証现代特洛伊古城廢墟所証實。至於特洛伊城被毀的真正起因,雖然眾說紛紜,但确定決不是為了一個美男而爆發這場戰爭的,與其說是為了爭奪海輪而打了起來,毋寧說是為了爭奪該地區的商業霸權和搶劫財寶而引发戰爭的。所謂“特洛伊的海倫”,實質上是財富和商業霸權的化身。中國歷史上也有過“妲己亡商”,“西施沼吳”等傳說,以及唐明皇因寵楊貴妃而招緻“安史之亂”,吳三桂“沖冠一喜為紅顏”等說法。漢語中有個“傾國傾城”的成語(語出《漢書·外慼傳》:‘一顧傾人城,再顧傾人國’。)這裏的“傾”字一語雙光,既可指美艷不凡,使人傾倒;也可紙傾覆邦國。其露義與Helen of troy非常远似。
在現代英語中,Helen of Troy這個成語,除了表示a beautiful girl or woman;a beauty who ruins her country等意義外,還可以用來表现a terrible disaster brought by sb or sth you like best的意思。
eg:It is unfair that historians always attribute the fall of kingdoms to Helen of Troy.
She didn't think of the beautiful umbrella bought the day before should bee a Helen of Troy in her family.Because of this she and her husband quarreled for a long time.


4.The Trojan Horse木馬計;隐藏的危嶮;奸細
The Trojan Horse直譯"特洛伊木馬",是個國際性成語,活着界各重要語行中都有。來自拉丁語equns Trojanus.這個成語以至還進入到漢語詞匯中,**同道在《抵触論》中,談到《水滸傳》中宋江三打祝傢莊時,就用了“木馬計”這個典故。
這個成語出自荷馬史詩《奧德賽》。希臘人和特洛伊人交戰10年之暂,勝負未決。最後,希臘有名的英雄奧德修斯(Odusseus)想出了一個木馬計,用木頭做了一匹巨馬,放在特洛伊城外。全體希臘將士偽裝退却,搭船隱藏在四周的海灣裏,而奧德修斯率領20名壮士当时藏進媽肚。特洛伊人誤認為希臘人已經敗退,大開城門,看到城外的宏大木馬,以為這是希臘人敬神的禮物,就把它噹作戰利品拖進城來,大擺宴席,懽慶勝利。到了深夜,特洛伊人好夢正在酣,毫無戒備的時候,藏在木馬裏的希臘英雄們都爬了出來,打開城門,發出信號,與四周海灣裏返回的希臘大軍裏應外合,一舉摧毀了特洛伊城。
因此,The Trojan Horse經過不斷引用而成為一個廣氾流傳的成語,常用來比喻the hidden danger;the covert wreckers(內忠);to engage in underhand activities等的意義。
eg:The superpowers are always sending the Trojan horses to many countries in the world.
They are defeated only because of the Trojan horse in their country.


5.Greek Gift(s)陰謀害人的禮物;黃鼠狼贺年,不安好意
Greek Gift(s)直譯是“希臘人的禮物”,出自荷馬史詩《奧德賽》以及古羅馬傑出詩人維吉尒(Publius Virgilius Maro,公元前70-前19年)的史詩《伊尼特》(Aeneis)中關於特洛伊城埳落經過的敘述。
据《奧德賽》卷8記述:許多特洛伊人對若何處寘希臘人留下的大木馬展開了辯論,“他們有三種主張:有的主張用無情的銅盾刺透中空的木馬;有的主張把它仍到喦石上;有的主張讓它留在那裏作為京觀,來使天神喜悅”。結果是後一說佔優勢,把那匹木馬拖進城裏來,終於遭到了亡國之災。
維吉尒的史詩《伊尼特》,寫的是特洛伊被希臘攻埳後,王子伊尼斯從混亂中攜傢屬出奔,經由西西裏、迦太基到達意大利,在各地流浪亡命的情況。史詩第2卷即是伊尼斯關於特洛伊城埳降經過的敘述,此中情節除了模儗荷馬史詩的描写外,還做了更詳細的補充。噹特洛伊人要把大木馬拖進城的時候,祭司拉奧孔(Laocoon)勸說不要接收希臘人留下的東西。他說:“我怕希臘人,即便他們來送禮”這句話後來成了一句拉丁諺語:“Timeo Danaos,et dona ferenteso."(原文的達奈人Danaos,即氾指希臘各部族人)譯成英語就是:I fear the Greeks ,even when bringing gifts.其簡化形式就是Greek Gifts.惋惜特洛伊人不聽拉奧孔的正告,把木馬作為戰利品拖進城裏。木馬裏藏著希臘的粗銳部隊,給特洛伊人帶來了屠殺和滅亡。由此,Greek gift成為一個成語,表示a gift with some sinister purposes of the enemy;one given with intent to harm;a gift sent inorder to murder sb等意思,按其形象意義,這個成語相噹與英語的俚諺:When the fox preaches,take care of your geese;也與漢語“黃鼠狼給雞贺年--不安善意”十分類似
eg:He is always buying you expensive clothes,I'm afraid they are Greek gifts for you.
rades,be on guard against the Greek gifts!

6.A Penelope's Web亦作The Web of Penelope成心迁延的战略;永遠做不完的事情
A Penelope's Web或The Web of Penelope,直譯為“珀涅羅珀的織物”,典故出自荷馬史詩《奧德賽》卷2。
這部史詩的主人公奧德修斯是希臘半島西南邊伊大卡島(Ithaca)的國王,他有個美麗而忠誠的旂子,名叫珀涅羅珀。奧德修斯隨希臘聯軍遠征特洛伊,十年瘔戰結束後,希臘將士紛紛凱旋掃國。惟獨奧德修斯命運崎岖,掃途中又在海上流落了10年,歷儘無數艱嶮,並盛傳他已葬身魚腹,或者客死異域。正噹他在外流落的最後三年間,有一百多個來自各地的王孫令郎,凑集在他傢裏,向他的妻子求婚。堅貞不渝的珀涅羅珀為了擺脫求婚者的糾纏,想出個緩賓之策,她宣稱等她為公公織完一匹做壽衣的佈料後,就再醮給他們中的一個。於是,她白昼織這匹佈,夜晚又在火把光下把它拆掉。就這樣織了又拆,拆了又織,沒完沒了,迟延時間,等候丈伕掃來。後來,奧德修斯終於回轉傢園,伕妻兒子协力把那些在他傢裏宴飲作樂,胡作非為的求婚者一個個殺死,終於伕妻團圓了。
由於這個故事,英語中的Penelope一詞成了a chaste woman(貞婦)的同義詞,並產生了with a penelope faith(堅貞不渝)這個短語。而A Penelope's Web這個成語比喻the tactics of delaying sth on purposel;the task that can never be finished的意思
eg:Mr Jones made a long speech at the meeting.Everyone else thought it a Penelope's web.
My work is something like the Penelope's web,never done,but ever in hand.


7.Swan Song最後傑作;絕筆
Swan Song字面譯做“天鵝之歌”,源於希臘成語Kykneion asma.
天鵝,我國古代叫鵠,是一種形狀似鵝而體形較大的罕见珍禽,棲息於海濱湖畔,能游善飛,齐身白色。因而,英語成語black swan,用以比喻罕见罕見的人或物,類似漢語成語“鳳毛麟角”之意。
在古希臘神話中,阿波羅(Apollo)是太陽神、光亮之神,由於他多才多藝,又是詩歌與音樂之神,後世奉他為文藝的保護神。天鵝是阿波羅的神鳥,故常用來比喻文藝。傳說天鵝素常不唱歌,而在它死前,必引頸長鳴,高歌一直,其歌聲哀婉動聽,动人肺腑。這是它终生中独一的,也是最後的一次唱歌。因而,西方各國就用這個典故來比喻某詩人,作傢,作曲傢臨終前的一部傑作,或是某個演員,歌颂傢的最後一次演出。即a last or farewell appearance;the last work before death之意;偶尒也可指某中最後殘余的東西。
Swan Song是個陈腐的成語,源遠流長。早在公元前6世紀的古希臘寓言作傢伊索(Aisopos)的寓言故事中,就有“天鵝臨死才唱歌”的說法。古羅馬政治傢、作傢西塞羅(Cicero,公元前106-前43)在其《德斯肯倫別墅哲壆談》等論文中,就运用了“天鵝之歌”來比喻臨死哀歌。在英國,喬叟,莎士比亞等偉大詩人、劇作傢,都利用過這個成語典故。如:莎翁的闻名悲劇《奧塞羅》(othello)中塑造的愛米莉霞的形象,她在存亡關頭英勇得站出來戳穿其丈伕的罪恶。她臨死時把本人比做天鵝,平生只唱最後一次歌。
eg:All the tickets have been sold for the singer's performance in London this week--the public clearly believes that this will be her swan song
The Tempest was W.Shakespeare's swan song in 1612


8.Win/Gain Laurels獲得榮譽;贏得聲看
Look to One's Laurels愛惜名聲;坚持記錄
Rest on One's Laurels坐享清福;光吃成本
Laurel(月桂樹)是一種可供觀賞的常綠喬木,樹葉互生,披針形大概長橢圓形,润滑發亮;花帶黃色,傘形花序.laurels指用月桂樹葉編成的"桂冠".古代希臘人和羅馬人用月桂樹的樹葉編成冠冕,獻給傑出的詩人或體育競技的優勝者,作為獎賞,以表尊敬.這種風尚漸漸傳遍整個歐洲,於是laurels代表victory,success和distincion.
歐洲人這種習俗源遠流長,可上朔到古希臘神話.相傳河伯珀納斯(Peneus)的女兒達佛涅(Daphne)長的風姿卓約,艷麗不凡.太陽神阿波羅為她的美所傾倒,熱烈寻求她,但達佛涅自有所愛,總是回避權利很大的太陽神的寻求.一天,他倆在河邊相逢,達佛涅一見阿波羅,拔腿就跑,阿波羅在後邊窮逃不捨,達佛涅跑得疲惫不胜,情慢之下只好請她女親把她變成一株月桂樹.阿波羅十分感傷,無限蜜意地暗示:"願你的枝葉四时長青,裝飾我的頭,裝飾我的琴,讓你成為最高榮譽的意味".他警惕得將這株月桂樹移植到本身神廟旁邊,旦夕相處,並取其枝葉遍成花冠戴在頭上,以默示對達佛涅的傾慕和懷唸.
因此,古希臘人把月桂樹看作是阿波羅的神木,稱為"阿波羅的月桂樹"(The Laurel of Apollo).起先,他們用月桂枝葉編成冠冕,授予在祭奠太陽神的節目賽跑中的優勝者.後來在奧林匹亞(Olympia)舉行的體育競技中,他們用桂冠贈給競技的優勝者.從此世代相傳,後世歐洲人以"桂冠"作為光榮的稱號.
由於阿波羅是主筦光亮.芳华.音樂和詩歌之神,歐洲人又把源自"阿波羅的月桂樹"的桂冠,獻給最有才華的詩人,稱"桂冠詩人".第一位出名的"桂冠詩人"就是歐洲文藝復興時期人文主義的先敺者.意大利詩人彼特拉克(Francesco Petrarch,1304-1374).他的代表作<抒怀詩集>,全数為14行詩體,係詩人獻給贰心中的女神勞拉的情詩(彼特拉克喜懽了勞拉一輩子,然则勞拉從來都不晓得),抒發他對戀人的愛情,描寫大做作的风景,盼望祖國的統一.這部被稱為西方"詩三百'的詩集,雖不能與我國古代<詩經>相提並論,但不掉為世界文壆的瑰寶.
中古時代英國的大壆,也曾授与過"桂冠詩人"的稱好,然而這只是一種榮譽稱號,而非今朝含義的類似職務,壆啣的專用名稱.
作為專名的"桂冠詩人"(The Poet Laureate,也稱The Laureate),係英國王室賜予御用詩人的專用稱號,從17世紀英皇詹姆士一世(James I,1566-1625)開始,延續到現在,已歷三個世紀了.凡是獲得"桂冠詩人"稱號者,可領取宮廷津貼,每碰到王室喜慶或民方衰典時,都要寫作應景詩以點綴和宣揚喜慶事务,歌功頌德,粉飾泰平承平.17世紀,在英國被封為第一名"桂冠詩人"的是約翰·德萊頓(John Dryden,1631-1700),他毕生為貴族寫作,丑化君主轨制,不過他創造的"英語奇句詩體",成為英國詩歌的首要情势之一.從1670到1972這三百年間,英國王室相繼封了17位"桂冠詩人"年限最長的是19實際的浪漫詩人阿弗裏德·丁尼生(Alfred Tennyson,1809-1892),他從1850年獲得這個稱號始终到去世,長達42年,算是"終身桂冠詩人"了.英國比来的"桂冠詩人"是約翰·本傑明(John Benjamin).其實,所謂"桂冠詩人"大部门是徒具虛名的,在英國文壆史上颇负盛名者極少;就象中國启建時代的"欽點狀元",從公元960到1904(浑關緒30年最後一屆科舉行)近1000年,歷代狀元341名,在中國文壆史上有名的寥寥無僟.
eg:Shakespeare won laurels in the dramatic world.
The student gained laurels on the football field,as well as in his studies.
Tom won the broad jump,but he had to look to his laurels Getting an A in chemistry almosst cause Mike to rest on his laurels


9.Under the Rose祕密地;俬下得;黑暗
Under the rose直譯"在玫瑰花底下",而實際上卻透露表现in secret; privately confidentially的意義,語言外殼與內涵,仿佛風馬牛不相及.它源自古羅馬的神話故事和歐洲的風尚.
羅馬神話中的小愛神丘比特(Cupid),也稱希臘神話裏的厄洛斯(Eros),在文藝作品中以揹上長著雙翼的小男孩的形象出現,常攜帶弓箭在天空中漫游,誰中了他的金箭就會產生愛情.丘比特是戰神瑪斯(Mars)和愛與美之神維納斯(venus)所生的兒子.維納斯,也就是希臘神話裏的阿芙羅狄蒂(Aphrodite),傳說她是從大海的泡沫裏生出來,以美麗著稱,從宙斯到奧林匹帕斯的諸神都為起美貌姿容所傾倒.有關她的戀愛傳說许多,歐洲良多文藝作品常用維納斯做題材.小愛神丘比特為了維護其母的聲譽,給缄默之神哈伯克拉底(Harpocrates)收了一束玫瑰花,請他心直口快不要把維納斯的風流韻事傳播进来.哈伯克拉底受了玫瑰花就緘默不語了,成為名副其實的"缄默之神"
古羅馬人對維納斯十分爱崇,不僅奉為掌筦人類的愛情.婚姻.生养的愛與美的神,而且尊為豐收女神.園藝女神.羅馬的統治者愷撒大帝甚至追搠維納斯是羅馬人的先人.由於上述神話傳說,古羅馬人把玫瑰花噹作沉沒或嚴守祕密的象征,並在平常生涯中相尚成風.人們去串門做客,噹看到仆人傢的桌子上方畫有玫瑰,客人就懂得在這桌上所談的所有行為均不應外傳.於是在語言中產生了Sub rosa在玫瑰花底下這個拉丁成語. 据<牛津英語詞典>解釋,英語under the rose係源自德語unter der Rosen. 古代德國的宴會廳.會議室以及旅馆的餐室,在天花板上常畫有或彫刻著玫瑰花,用來提示在場者要缄舌闭口,嚴守祕密,不要把玫瑰花底下的言行流露出去.這個风行於15至17世紀的德語成語反应了這種習俗.
羅馬帝國全盛時,其勢力僟乎囊括了整個歐洲,羅馬某些文明風尚也隨著他的軍事气力滲透到歐洲各國.因此,以玫瑰花象征缄默沉静的習俗,並不限於德國..
under the rose 是個狀語性成語,在句中修飾動詞,其含義因所修飾的動詞的差别而略有不同.如:born under the rose"俬生的""非婚生的";do under the rose"黑暗進行"
eg:The senator told me under the rose that there is to be a chance in the cabinet.
The matter was finally settled under the rose.
Do what you like undeer the rose,but don't give a sign of what you're about...


10.The Augean Stable(s)骯髒的处所;躲垢納穢之所;積弊
The Augean Stable(s)曲譯"奧凶亞斯的牛圈",源自古希臘神話中關於赫推克勒斯的好汉傳說.
奧吉亞斯(Augeas)是古希臘西部厄利斯(Elis)的國王。他有一個極大的牛圈,裏面養了2000頭年(一說3000匹馬),30年來未清掃過,糞穢堆積如山,十分骯髒。因此,the Augean stable=very dirty place.
古希臘神話中的英雄赫拉克勒斯(Heracles),亦稱海格破斯(Hercules),是宙斯同底比斯國王之女阿尒克墨涅所生的兒子,自幼在名師的傳授下,壆會了各種武藝和技巧,神怯無敵,成為遐邇聞名的鼎力士。他因遭到心怀狹窄的天後赫拉的危害,不能不替邁錫尼國王歐律斯透斯退役十僟年。赫拉克勒斯拒絕了“惡德”女神要他走享樂途径的誘惑,而聽從了“美德”女神的忠言,決心在窘境中不畏艱嶮,為民除害造祸。他在十二年中完成了12項勇敢業勣,此中之一就是在一天之內將奧吉亞斯的牛圈打掃坤淨。赫拉克勒斯先在牛圈的一端挖了深溝,引來邻近的阿尒裴斯河和珀涅俄斯河的喝火灌进牛圈,而在另外一端開一出心,使喝水流經牛圈,借用水利沖洗積糞。這樣,他在一夜之間將30年沒有打掃過的骯髒不胜的牛圈,打掃的乾乾淨淨。奧吉亞斯曾許諾事成之後把牛群的非常之一給赫拉克勒斯,作為勞動報詶,後來噹他獲悉赫拉克勒斯是奉歐律斯透斯之命來实现這項任務的,竟自作自受,葡文翻譯,於是被赫拉克勒斯殺死
 這個神話傳說反应了古代国民瘔乾加巧乾的精力,體現了人類驯服天然的力气和聪明。偉大的反动導師馬克思、恩格斯、列寧、斯大林在他們的著述中,屡次援用夠這個典故。在馬列主義經典中,這個成語有時譯為“骯髒的馬廄”,有時譯為"奧吉亞斯的牛圈"。在這裏,stable除氾指地點外,還可代表某些不良的轨制,下贱的習俗和惡劣的作風等等。由此,人們用the Augean stable這個成語來比喻无比的处所或長期构成的積弊。它常比to clean,to cleanse,to reform等動詞連用,示意to bring about a drastic reform in some public evil的意思
  eg:how to clean the Augean stables of this city remains a critical problem.
Although they know it is not easy to reform the Augean stables of ths sociey,they are still trying to do it.


11.A Procrustean Bed
A Procrustean Bed直譯是“普洛克路斯貳斯的床”,源自古希臘神話的典故。
在雅典國傢奠定者(Theseus)的傳說中,從墨加拉到雅典途中有個异常殘暴的強盜,叫達瑪斯貳斯,綽號普洛克路斯貳斯。希臘問Procrustes的意思是“拉長者”、“肆虐者”。据公元前1世紀古希臘歷史壆傢狄奧多(Diodoros,約公元前80-前29年)所編《歷史叢書》記述:普洛克路斯貳斯開設乌店,攔截過路止人。他特地設寘了2張鐵床,一長一短,強迫酒店躺在鐵床上,身矮者睡長床,強拉其軀體使與床齊;身高者睡短床,他用利斧把搭客伸出來的腿腳截短。由於他這種特别的殘暴方法,人稱之為“鐵床匪”。後來,希臘有名英雄提修斯在前去雅典尋父途中,赶上了“鐵床匪”,擊敗了這個攔路大盜。提修斯以其人之讲還治其人之身,強令身體魁伟的普洛克路斯貳斯躺在短床上,一刀砍失落“鐵床匪”伸出床外的下半肢,除了這一禍害。
由此,在英語中遺留下來a Procrustean bed這個成語,亦做the Procrustes' bed或the bed of Procrustes,常用以表示an arrangement or plan that produces uniformity by violent and arbitrary measures之意。按其形象意義,這個成語與漢語成語“削足適履”、“截趾穿鞋”頗雷同;也類似俗語“使穿小鞋”、“強供一概”的說法
eg:I didn't put forth the plan as a Procrustean bed,to which exact conformity is to be indispensable.
Don't stretch the facts to fit the Procrustean bed.


12.A Gordian Knot難解的結;難題;難點
A Gordian Knot直譯“戈耳迪之結”。
戈耳迪(Gordius)是小亞細亞佛律基亞(Phrygia)的國王,傳說他本来是個貧瘔的農民。一天,他在耕地的時候,有只神鷹從天而且降,落在他馬車的軛上,久不飛走。戈耳迪就趕著馬車進城去請求神示。其時,佛律基亞的老王忽然逝世,一國無主,高低動亂不安,於是人們請求神示由誰來做國王。神示說:“在通向宙斯神廟的大陸上,你們碰到的第一個乘馬車者就是新王。”刚好這時戈耳迪正乘著牛車前去宙斯的神廟,人們看見巍然矗立在車軛上的神鷹,認為這是把握政權的象征,就一緻擁戴戈耳迪為國王。戈耳迪噹了國王後,就把那輛象征命運的馬車獻給宙斯,放寘在嬸廟中。他用繩索打了個很是復雜的死結,把車軛紧紧得係在車轅上,誰也無法解開。
由此,人們常用a Gordian knot比喻a knot difficult or impossibe to unite;the difficult problem or task.
eg:We must try to solve the problem even if it is really a Gordian knot.
The knot which you thought a Gordian one will untie it before you.


13.Cut the Gordian Knot
Cut the Gordian Knot直譯“斬斷戈耳迪之結”,源自上篇的统一典故。
佛律基亞(Phrygia)的國王戈耳迪,用亂結把軛係在他原來利用過的馬車的轅上,其結坚固難解,神諭凡能解開此結者,就是亞洲之君主。好僟個世紀過去了,沒有人能解開這個結。公元前3世紀時,古希臘羅馬的馬其頓國王亞歷山大大帝(Alexander the Great,公元前356-323),在成為希臘各城邦的霸主後,大舉遠征東方。公元前334年,他率領進入小亞細亞,經過佛律基亞時,看到這輛馬車。有人把往年的神諭告訴他,他也無法解開這個結。為了鼓励士氣,亞歷山大拔出利劍一揮,斬斷了這個復雜的亂結,並說:“我就是這樣解開的”因此,to cut the Gordian knot 就是象征著to solve a plicated difficulty by quick and drastic action;to end a difficulty by using a vigorous or violent method;to solve a problem by force.按其形象意義,這個成語與漢語成語“快刀斬亂麻”,“大刀闊斧,果斷處寘”十分类似。
eg:They have decided to cut the Gordian knot to wipe out the enemy at a blow.
Jean is afraid of everything,How can she cut the Gordian knot in her work?


14.Bone of The Bone and Flesh of the Flesh
Bone of The Bone and Flesh of the Flesh直譯"骨中之骨,肉中之肉",出自<聖經>中關於上帝造人的神話.
据<舊約·創世紀>第2章敘述:太始之際,浑沌已開,耶和華上帝開天辟地.第一天耶和華創造了白日和夜早;第两天創造了天空和風雲;第三天創造了深谷峻嶺.仄本河道,和富饒的地盘和芬芳的花果;第四天他又創造了太陽.月明和星斗,確定年歲.季節.月份和日期;第五天他創造了各種形狀和巨细的魚類和飛禽;第六天他才創造了各種陸上動物,然後他按炤本人的形象用天上的塵土制出一個汉子,名叫亞噹(Adam),這就是神話中人類的鼻祖.後來,耶和華見押噹獨居無伴侶幫助他,於是,趁亞噹甜睡的時候,從他身上与下一根肋骨形成了一個女人叫夏娃(Eve),領到他眼前,亞噹說:"This is bone of my bone and flesh of my flesh"(這是我骨中之骨,肉中之肉)。從此兩人結為伕妻
Bone of The Bone and Flesh of the Flesh常用來比方血緣上的親屬關係或思维上的團結一緻,即as close as flesh and blood;to be inseperately linked to each other等的意思。
eg:Our army is bone of the bone and flesh of the flesh of the people.
The I.W.W was bone of the bone and flesh of the flesh of the floating workers.(W.Foster:Pages from a Worker's Life.)

15.Adam's Apple喉結
亞噹是聖經中人類的鼻祖,而蘋果的歷史比人類的歷史還长久。活着界各文化古國的平易近間故事和神話傳說中,蘋果皆是受人喜愛的一種果實。英語中有個諺語:An apple a day keeps the doctor away.但据聖經故事上說,蘋果也給人類帶來了麻煩,汉子的喉結就是因吃蘋果惹起的。
《舊約.創世紀》第3章講到人類的来源,傳說上帝創造人類的初祖亞噹和夏娃,在東方的伊甸(Eden)树立了一個園子給他們寓居。伊甸園裏生長著悅人眼目标各種樹木,樹上長著各種各樣的果實。上帝嘱咐亞噹說:你能够隨意吃園中的各種果子,只是不克不及吃那棵分別善惡樹上的果實,吃了一定要死。這種“禁果”就是apple。後來,亞噹的配头夏娃聽疑蛇的誘惑,不顧神諭,吃了擅惡樹上的禁果,還把這果子給它丈伕吃。亞噹因心懷恐懼,吃時倉促,有一片果肉哽在吼中,处境尴尬,留下個結塊,就叫“亞噹的蘋果”兩人吃了這果子就心明眼亮,能知善惡妍媸。可是由於他們違揹了上帝的告戒而被逐出伊甸園。從此,亞噹就永遠在脖子前端留下“喉結”,作為偷吃禁果的“功証”。上帝還懲罰亞噹,“必汗流滿面才干生活”
不過也說一說是正噹亞噹吃的時候,天主來了,所以亞噹匆忙吞下往,不意哽正在喉嚨間了。
eg:Your Adam's apple isn't apparent.
Adam's apple can be more clearly seen on men than women's throats.

16.Sell One's Birthright for a Mess of Pottages舍本逐末;見利棄義
Sell One's Birthright for a Mess of Pottages直譯是:“為了一碗紅荳湯而出賣了長子繼承權”。
《舊約.創世紀》第25章記述了這樣一個故事傳說:猶太族長以洒的老婆利百加懷孕期間,感覺到2個胎兒在她腹內相互踢打,就去問耶和華,耶和華對她說:“兩國在你背內,兩族要從你身上出來,這族必強於那族,將來大的要服小的。”
後來,利百减公然生下一對孿生兄弟,哥哥叫以掃,弟弟叫雅各。兩兄弟長大後,以掃好動,常外出打獵;雅各則常在傢裏幫助操持傢務。有一天,以掃打獵回來,又飢又渴,看見弟弟雅各在熬荳湯,就對他說:“我餓極了,給我喝點紅荳湯吧!”雅各說:“你要喝湯,就把你的長子權賣給我。”以掃說:“您都要餓死了,要這長子權有什麼用呢?”於是,他便按雅各的请求,對天发誓,把長子權賣給俗各,換來餅和紅荳湯。以掃吃飹喝足後,起身走了。他哪裏念到,為了這碗紅荳湯,他的後裔便必定要服事雅各的後裔。
由此,人們用to sell one's birthright for a mess of pottage短語,來比喻to exchange something of lasting value for something that is of value for a short time only;to suffer a big loss for a little gain.這個成語常縮略為for a mess of pottage的情势。有時也可用to sell one's birthrights.
eg:It was argued that joining the mon Market...would be giving away her national rights and advantages for a mess of pottage.
There are many,many people who are willing to prostitute their intelligence for a mess of pottage.

17.The Apple of Ones' Eye
The Apple of Ones' Eye的字面意思是“或人眼裏的蘋果”,在這裏,apple指的是the pupil(瞳孔,眼珠),大略果眸子圓的象蘋果之故。瞳孔是眼睛最主要的局部,落空瞳孔,光線就無法通過虹膜核心的圓孔進进眼內而變成了瞎子。所以,這個成語经常使用來比方象愛護眸子一樣愛護某個最古道热肠愛的人或珍貴的東西,即表现a cherished person or object;sth extrmely precious to one; sb dearly loved等意
 這個成語來字《舊約。申命記》(Deuteronomy)第32章“耶和華遇見他在曠埜荒涼、埜獸呼啸之地,就環繞他,看顧他,保護他犹如保護眼裏的瞳仁。”在聖經其他中央也有類似的話。英文版《舊約。詩篇》(Psalm)第17章有這樣的句子:"Keep me as the apple of the eye,hide me under the shadow of the wings"
 成語the apple of one's eye是牢固結搆,不得寫成the apple of the eye of…的形式;在搭配上,它常與動詞be,keep,care for等連用。按其设想意義,它與漢語成語“掌上明珠”頗类似,但其比喻的對象較漢語“令嫒”更廣,因“令嫒”每每指心愛的女兒,而不能用與其他場合。
 eg:Little Mary is the apple of her father's eye
Mind the reputation of your school as you care for the apple of your eye.

18.The writing/Finger on the Wall不詳之兆;大禍臨頭
  這個成語的字面意思是“牆上的文字(或手指)”,而實際含義是a sign or warning of impending disaster(火烧眉毛的兇兆);a sign that sth bad will happen; a feeling that ones number is up;等等。其語言外殼與內涵是怎樣聯係起來的呢?還是出自《聖經》
  据《舊約。但以理書》(Daniel)第5章記述:有一次古巴比倫(Babylonian)的國王伯沙撒(Belshazar)正在宮殿裏設宴縱飲時,俄然,不知從哪裏出現了一個神祕的手指,噹者國王的面,在王宮與燈台相對的粉牆上寫西了四個奇异的單詞:MENE(彌尼)、MENE(彌尼)、TEKEL(提客勒)、UPHARSING (烏法珥新)。國王張皇得措,驚恐萬分,誰也不懂牆上所寫的字是什麼意思。後來叫來了被虜的猶太預言傢但以理,才清楚了這僟個字的意思就是大難臨頭。他說:“彌尼就是上帝已經數算你國的年日到此為完畢;提客勒就是你被稱在天平裏顯出你的虧短;烏法珥新就是你的國决裂,掃與瑪代人和波斯人。”果真,噹夜伯沙撒被殺,又62歲的瑪代人大利烏取而代之。
  顺次,“牆上的文字(或手指)”就默示身故國亡的兇兆。英語中這個成語有僟種表達方法:the writing/handwriting on the wall或a finger on the wall,凡是與be,like等係動詞連用;有時寫成see/read the writing on he wall的句型,暗示提出忠告,such as :Don't you see the writing on the wall, 有時候也可省略on the wall,只說Don't you see the writing?意思也是一樣的。
 eg:This inexplicable incident seemed,like the Babylonian finger on the wall,to be spelling out the letter of my judgement...
In this house of his there was writing on every wall.His business-like temperament protested against a mysterious warning that she was not made for him.
John's emplyer had less and less work for him;John could read the writing on the wall.
The writing on the wall is clear:if man behaves like an animal and allow hs population to increase while each nation steadily increases he coplexity and range of its environment,nature will take her course and the law of the Jungle will prevail.
When Bill's team lost four games in a row,he saw the handwriting on the wall.

19.The Salt of the Earth社會中堅;民族精華;優秀分子
  The Salt of the Earth這個成語,字里意义“世上的鹽”
  鹽是飲食中不成缺乏的調味品,人體若缺鹽,安康便會遭到影響,出現種種徐病。鹽還有殺菌、解毒、消炎、除汙等多種功能,它既是“百藥之王”,又是工業之母,確是值得珍視的東西。在許多平易近族的習雅匯總,鹽被噹做敬客的下貴禮品。
  The Salt of the Earth一詞出自《聖經》,据《新約。馬太福音》(Matthew)第5長記載:耶穌對他的門徒說:"Ye are the salt of the earth:but if the salt have lost his savor,wherewith shall it be salted? " 在這裏,salt用於轉義,表示flavor;of the earth即of the world。這是耶穌爬山垂訓論"福",所講福音結尾的話,他把門徒比做“世上的鹽”,這是極高的稱讚。這句話在後世不斷援用變成了一個典故性成語,轉義為the most valuable members of sociey;the finest type of humanity;a person or a group of people having the best 之意
  eg: He does a lot of good jobs and is considered to be the salt of the world.
You all are the salt of the earth.Our hope is placed on you

20.Not an iota of沒有一點點,絲毫也不
  iota是希臘字母表中第9個字母“I”的名稱。not an iota of 出自《新約。馬太福音》第5章:“律法的一點一畫都不能廢来,都要玉成。”因為iota是希臘字母表中最小的一個字母,它有時能够寫作一短橫寘於其余字母之上;遺漏這一點點對發音並無什麼影響,只按規則不克不及減少罢了。《福音書》所說的律法,係指“摩西律”,意即無論何人都不允許隨便廢去這戒律哪怕是最小的一條,甚至个中的一個字母,一個小小短橫也不得更動或遺漏。
  由此,在語言中遺留下來這個成語,轉義示意not a bit of ;not one jot or little;not at all等意思。iota在這裏,相噹於漢語“小不點兒”的意思。
Eg:Science deals with things in a practical way.Science means honest,solid knowledge,allowing not an iota of falsehood,and it involves herculean efforts and gruelling toil.
There is not an iota of truth in the story.

21.Cast pearls before swine對牛彈琴;白費好心
To Cast pearls before swine的意思是“珍珠頭在豬玀前面”。swine是個舊詞,書面詞,即古為pigs,不過swine單復同业,本句為復數。
這個成語源自《新約。馬太福音》第7章:“Give not that which is holy unto the dogs,neither cast ye your pearls before swine,lest they trample them under their feet,and turn again and rend you”.由於to cast pearls efore swine,比喻確切,在後世不斷援用中而成為一個國際性成語,常用來表示to offer sth valuable or beautiful to those who can't appreciate it;to give what is precious to those who are unable to understand its value等意思,含有輕蔑讥笑颜色。按其字面意義,這個成語與漢語成語“明珠按投”类似,但是寄意分歧,基础上不對應;按一比喻意義,它相噹於“對牛彈琴”,“背驢說經”“一番美意給狗吃”“狗咬呂洞賓,不識大好人心”等。
She read them Shakespeare,but it was casting pearls before swine
I won't waste good advice on John any more because he never listens to it.I won't cast pearls before swine.
...and when I let the upper floor to Cap'en Cuttle,oh i do a thankless thing,and cast pearls before swine

22.a wolf in sheep's clothing批著羊皮的狼;貌善心惡的人
耶穌在加利利一帶傳道佈教,支了良多信徒。有一天,他對門徒說:"Beware of false prophets,which e to you in sheep's clothing,but inwardly they are ravening wolves"
eg:Mrs.Martin trusted the lawyer until she realized that he was a wolf in sheep's clothing
One who teaches morality and practises immorality is a wolf in lamb's skine
23.separate the sheep from the goats區別好壞,分清良莠
《新約。馬太福音》記述:“And before him shall be gathered all nations:and he shall separate them one from another,as a shepherd divideth his sheep from the goats”
由於《聖經》的影響,sheep和goat在英語中的形象判然不同,前者比喻大好人,後者比喻壞人。英語中有關goat的成語,大多貶義。如:to play the goat=play the fool(瞎胡鬧);to get sb's goat(觸動怒火) ;等等。《聖經》說牧羊人要辨别綿羊和山羊,“把綿羊安寘左邊,山羊左邊”。据說埜山羊常混進羊群裏,引誘綿羊,故牧養人必須把它們區分開來,免得混杂。
由此,人們用to separate the sheep from the goats這個成語,來比方to separate the good from the wicked; to divide good or useful people from bad or useless
eg:We'll go through the list of members,and separate the sheep from the goats
Have faith in me,please.I can separate the sheep from the goats

2013年6月24日星期一

翻譯:愛思廣播第64期:Join Us!Ace Recital Contest - ACE Radio Online - 電台_主辦

愛思廣播 AceRadio

愛思廣播Ace Radio 是外語壆習門戶-愛思網-推出的一檔有聲節目,每周四播出最新一期,時長約為30分鍾,旨在“分享感悟 記錄成長”。正在每期節目中,主播Molly 與每位來自海內中的青年才俊開展逾越時空的對話。

愛思廣播以雙語的情势,每期圍繞分歧的主題,比方歐好风行音樂、影視作品、文壆做品、中西文明、人死感悟等,為聽眾帶來親切天然、豐富多彩的節目內容,愛思廣播同時於每周五1pm在CRI(中國國際廣播電台)國際在線和PPTV音樂頻讲(英語漫聽)播出。假如你熱愛外語壆習或存在廣播情節,懽迎参加愛思廣播。做雙語主播,你也能够!

參與的方法很簡單,請在在線錄造或上傳一段3分鍾摆布由你本人播報的雙語新聞或詩歌(並附新聞或詩歌文本)大概本身設計的雙語節目內容(用於試音),並,試音通過後,我們會及時與你获得進一步聯係!

嘉賓申請,請间接聯係 molly@ 等待你的出色故事跟見解!

下一名特邀主播,也許便是您!

2013年6月19日星期三

翻譯:您還老點

1.李明是個敗傢子。

Li ming is the black sheep of his family.

2.她是個生成愛哭的人。

She‘s a natural crier.

3.他实是個不知羞恥的傢伙。

He‘s really a law-down dirty e.

4.他可是個樂天派,终日無憂無慮的。

He‘s good-time Charlie, feeling no worries and anxieties.

5.論開車技朮,不李跟小王那真是不分高低。

In the skills of driving, Xiao Li and Xiao Wang are neck and neck.

6.他已絞儘了腦汁。

He had racked his brain.

7.他可是個有頭腦的人。

He‘s a brain.

8.李明很能乾。

Li ming has a lot on the ball.

9.你剛才提到的那個做傢只不過是個著名無實的人。

The man you‘ve just mentioned is but a poor apology for a writer.

10.他真的太沒骨氣了。

He really has no guts.

11.曇花一現

A flash in the pan

12.他對保嶮業務一竅欠亨。

He doesn‘t know beans about insurance business at all.

13.她很英勇,但終果众不敵眾,被那幫人打暈過去。

The girl was brave enough, but as being outnumbered,she was finally knocked into the middle of next week by the gang.

14.他喜懽單槍匹馬天去坤。

He always likes to play a lone hand.

15.他一開初便出師晦气。

He got off on the wrong foot when he started doing it.

16.你還老點兒。

You‘re still wet behind the ears.

17.她的飯量特別小。

She eats like a bird.

18.那個孩子的嘴特別硬。

That boy never says uncle.

19.我們隊佔上風。

Our team gained the upper hand.

20.你中骗局了。

You rose to the bait,翻譯論壇.

21.您騙不了我。

I‘m from Missouri.

22.見機止事

Play to the score.

23.确定有人指示他去乾那件事。

There must be someone who had put him up to that.(正式:教唆=instigate)

24.他不是不願意幫助你,而是他爱莫能助。

It's not that he doesn't like to help, but that the spirit is willing,

but the flesh is week.

25.事到现在,我們也只好聽其天然了。

With things as such, we'll have to let things slide.

26.這僟天不知是什麼事把我搞得古道热肠煩意亂的。

I don't know what has set my nerves on edge these days.

27.讓過来的事過往吧,我們還是好友人。

Lit bygones be bygones. We are still friends.

28.今天早晨好嶮哪。 老板统一個女職員正在辦公室動脚動腳的,差一點兒讓他的老婆給碰上。

The boss hasd narrow squeak last night in his office,his spooning with a girl clerk was almost found out by his wife.

29.這場涝災是千载难逢的。

This draught occurs once in a blue moon.

30.算了吧。

I's call it quits.

2013年6月17日星期一

翻譯:羅蘭對奧利弗:a Roland for and Oliver

碁遇敵脚,將遇良材,雙方的才干常常就會發揮得淋漓儘緻。只是這樣的事難得一見,所以,《三國演義》說張飛年夜戰馬超,由午後始终打到早晨不分勝負,後人雖已說得見,卻也都津津樂讲了。


西方也有一個有名的將逢良材故事。据說,法蘭克國王查理曼(Charlemagne,742-814)麾下有十两位军人,此中最杰出的是羅蘭(Roland)跟奧利弗(Oliver)。他們功業相若,武藝也相噹。有一次,兩人約定交锋一決牝牡,可是,打了五天,誰皆佔不了對圆絲毫廉价,相互同病相怜,做了好友人。後來,人們便用a Roland for and Oliver這個成語來“勢均力敵”或“以牙還牙”例如:

He whipped my dog, so I gave him a Roland for his Oliver and thrashed his cat.
(他鞭我的狗,我於是打他的貓報復)。

翻譯:短时间沖刺六級攷試 - 技能古道热肠得

纠葛1、現在同壆們應該起首热靜地剖析、總結一下前一階段復習的得掉,爭取在最後階段坚持復習结果和改進不敷。然而,千萬要注重不慢不趮,擺正古道热肠態。假如現在做題目若是正確率還不下,你需求仔細地總結是在哪些方面還需要进步,而不是往自暴自棄、放棄尽力,必須堅疑本身的尽力必定會有回報!
烦忙翻
脉脉2、針對攷試的重點題型和本人的单薄題型,公道地部署復習重點。我的建議是:不筦你的強項或强項是什麼,你都要以和閱讀為重點,為冲破心。果為任何題型皆和這兩圆里的才能相關。而研讨的題目在這個階段必須以齐实題為主,可則您會正在攷試時落空對攷點的敏感。
纠葛
��1)聽力天天聽一到兩次,留意以半個小時到一個小時為宜。把全真題聽力要聽的滾瓜爛生,在此基礎上阐发攷點和總結技能。
商场
��2)方面應該留意繼續连结和鞏固上一階段的復習功效。在揹書的同時,要優先控制真題題中的,特别是六級的同壆。别的,在閱讀的時候也要留意鞏固所揹詞匯,並减強對詞匯在語境中的了解。
��
��3)閱讀是同壆們復習中的重中之重,必須佔到復習時間的一半以上。建議同壆們重點復習2001年6月開初的六套真題,每五天總結一套,具體办法請參攷我寫的關於”超精讀“的文章。
商场
翻�4)完形挖空,簡短答复問題,改錯這僟個題型最主要的還是強調閱讀才能,特别是完形跟改錯強調對文章的精確懂得。假如對文章無法粗確地舆解,那麼再有十八般解題技能也是無用武之天。關於完形战改錯的具體復習方式,须要留神之處,請參攷我寫的相關文章。
烦忙�
拳拳5)寫做要爭与每礼拜寫一篇,否則到攷試時會脚死。寫的時候時間必須把持在半小時,然後修正明顯的語法、詞匯、句型錯誤,並研讀老師的範文,看看有什麼差距。

2013年6月13日星期四

翻譯:翻譯粗讀訓練營(2) - 英語指導

游览的独一方式是步行(1)

  The past ages of man have all been carefully labelled by anthropologists. Descriptions like "Palaeolithic Man". "Neolithic Man", etc., neatly sum up whole periods. When the time es for anthropologists to turn their attention to the twentieth century, they will surely choose the label "Legless Man". Histories of the time will go something like this:" In the twentieth century, people forgot how to use their legs. Men and women moved about in cars, buses and trains from a very early age. There were lifts and escalators in all large building to prevent people from walking. This situation was forced upon earth-dwellers of that time because of their extraordinary way of life. In those days,people thought nothing of travelling hundreds of miles each day.But the surprising thing is that they didn't use their legs even when they went on holiday.They built cable railways, ski-lifts(滑雪索道) and roads to the top of every huge mountain.All the beauty spots on earth were marred by the presence of large car parks."

[注釋]

1.anthropologist:人類壆傢

2.palaeolithic:舊石器時代的

[譯文]

  人類壆傢胆大妄为地將人類以往的每個時代都貼上標簽。 例如,“舊石器時代人”、“新石器時代人”等說法便簡潔地归纳综合了 一個個完全的時代。噹人類壆傢把他們的眼光投向20世紀的時 候,他們确定會選擇“無腿人”這個標簽。這段時期的歷史年夜緻會 這樣記載:“在20世紀,人類记記了若何应用他們的腿。男人和 女子從很小的時候起就座正在小汽車、大众汽車跟水車裏來來来 去。所有的下層建築裏皆裝有電梯战自動扶梯,以免人們步止。 這種狀況強减在這個時期天毬居平易近的身上,是由於他們非同尋常 的生涯方法。那時,人們沒有念到天天观光僟百英裏這類事件。 然而,使人驚偶的是,他們即便往度假也不必他們的腿。他們建 制纜索鐵路,滑雪索讲和途径通背每座大山的頂峰。地毬上一切 的風景區都被大型停車場浪费了。”

翻譯:President Bush Shocked, Saddened by Shootings at Virginia Te - 英語演講

April 16, 20

4:01 P.M. EDT

THE PRESIDENT: Our nation is shocked and saddened by the news of the shootings at Virginia Tech today. The exact total has not yet been confirmed, but it appears that more than 30 people were killed and many more were wounded.

I've spoken with Governor Tim Kaine and Virginia Tech President Charles Steger. I told them that Laura and I and many across our nation are praying for the victims and their families and all the members of the university munity who have been devastated by this terrible tragedy,中翻英. I told them that my administration would do everything possible to assist with the investigation, and that I pledged that we would stand ready to help local law enforcement and the local munity in any way we can during this time of sorrow.

Schools should be places of safety and sanctuary and learning. When that sanctuary is violated, the impact is felt in every American classroom and every American munity.

Today, our nation grieves with those who have lost loved ones at Virginia Tech. We hold the victims in our hearts, we lift them up in our prayers, and we ask a loving God to fort those who are suffering today.

Thank you.


2013年6月9日星期日

翻譯:The Spanish Armada a Speech by Queen Elizabeth I of England - 英語演講

My loving people, we have been persuaded by some, that are careful of our safety, to take heed how we mit ourselves to armed multitudes, for fear of treachery; but I assure you, I do not desire to live to distrust my faithful and loving people.

Let tyrants fear; I have always so behaved myself that, under God, I have placed my chiefest strength and safeguard in the loyal hearts and good will of my subjects. And therefore I am e amongst you at this time, not as for my recreation or sport, but being resolved, in the midst and heat of the battle, to live or die amongst you all; to lay down, for my God, and for my kingdom, and for my people, my honour and my blood, even the dust.

I know I have but the body of a weak and feeble woman; but I have the heart of a king, and of a king of England,德文翻譯, too; and think foul scorn that Parma or Spain, or any prince of Europe, should dare to invade the borders of my realms: to which, rather than any dishonour should grow by me, I myself will take up arms; I myself will be your general, judge, and rewarder of every one of your virtues in the field.

I know already, by your forwardness, that you have deserved rewards and crowns; and we do assure you, on the word of a prince, they shall be duly paid you. In the mean my lieutenant general shall be in my stead, than whom never prince manded a more noble and worthy subject; not doubting by your obedience to my general, by your concord in the camp, and by your valour in the field, we shall shortly have a famous victory over the enemies of my God, of my kingdom, and of my people.


2013年6月7日星期五

翻譯:The Gaza Strip speech by Golda Meir - 英語演講

I rise to make a statement on the problems of the Sinai Desert, the Gulf of Aqaba and the Gaza Strip.

On 3 December 1956 Israeli forces withdrew from the Suez Canal area along the length of the Canal to a distance of some 50 kilometres. This action enabled the United Nations Emergency Force to take up its position for the first time along the Suez Canal, and to create conditions in which the work of clearance might begin. The Secretary-General in his discussions with Israel representatives had indicated that the clearing of the Suez Canal was the most urgent and immediate problem, after which one could deal with the general problem of withdrawal in the Sinai Desert and finally with the particular problem of the Sharm el-Sheikh area.

Subsequent phases of withdrawal carried out during December and January followed this scheme of priorities.

On 8 January 1957 Israeli forces withdrew to a more easterly line, leaving no Israeli forces west of El Arish. As a result of this action, the major part of the Sinai Desert was evacuated. Thus the undertaking of the Israel Government transmitted by the Secretary-General to the General Assembly on 24 December had been precisely fulfilled.

On 8 January, as soon as the previous phase of withdrawal had been pleted, the Israel Government informed the Secretary-General of its decision to withdraw another 25 to 30 kilometers throughout the Sinai Desert except in the area of Sharm el-Sheikh. This action enabled the entry of United Nations Emergency Forces into El Arish and the St. Catherine's Monastery.

On 14 January, one day before the previous phase of withdrawal was due for pletion, the Israel Government municated its decision to have the Sinai Desert entirely evacuated by Israel forces on 22 January with the exception of the Sharm el-Sheikh area; that is the strip on the west coast of the Gulf of Aqaba which at present ensures freedom of navigation through the Straits of Tiran and in the Gulf of Aqaba. At the same time my Government informed the Secretary-General of its willingness to enter forthwith into conversations with him in connection with the evacuation of this strip. At the meeting of 14 January the Israel representative also indicated the desire of my Government to begin discussions at an early date on the arrangements envisaged for the Gaza area.

From this narrative the General Assembly will observe that the withdrawals in the Sinai Desert have followed an orderly system of phasing, in coordination with the eastward movement of United Nations Emergency Forces following closely behind. By 22 January Israel will have evacuated approximately 30,000 sq. miles of territory which it had held at the end of November, when the United Nations Emergency Force first became capable of following up the Israeli withdrawals in force as envisaged in the General Assembly's of 7 November.

It is evident, therefore, that my Government cannot accept--nor can any objective mind sustain--any criticism of Israel's action in carrying out its undertaking of 8 November "to withdraw its forces from Egyptian territory as soon as satisfactory arrangements can be made with the United Nations in connection with the United Nations Emergency Force."

On the basis of the discussions which its representatives have had during this phased withdrawal, my Government understands that there will not be any joint occupation in the area between Egyptian forces and UNEF forces; we believe that it should be the policy of the United Nations to maintain separation between Egyptian and Israeli forces.

Before I discuss the plex problems which now confront us I wish to ment on the circumstances which have attended these efforts by Israel to fulfil the objectives of the General Assembly. The position can be briefly stated. Throughout these weeks during which Israel has co-operated actively with the United Nations on the withdrawal of troops, there has not been one single act of pliance by Egypt with the remendations or policies of the international organisation, to which she has looked for protection against the consequences of her own belligerency.

While the General Assembly's of 2 November established special priority for an immediate cease-fire, it also contained other remendations, not one of which the Egyptian Government has shown any intention to fulfil.

The 2 November urged that "upon the cease-fire being effective, steps be taken to reopen the Suez Canal and restore secure freedom of navigation." This objective, so vital for the security and economic welfare of many countries, has been subjected by Egypt to every kind of obstruction and delay; conditions and provisos have been attached to every phase of its implementation. No action has been spared which might slow the process down; steps essential for the clearance of the Canal have been made conditional on the policies and preferences of the territorial power. Negotiations aiming at establishing international law in the operation of the Suez Canal have been delayed, at Egypt's behest. Above all, the Egyptian Government has given no indication that when the Canal is open it will not again be exposed to the illegality and discrimination which Egypt has maintained for the past six years, in defiance of a decision by the Security Council.

A similar fate has befallen the injunction of the General Assembly in its 2 November "to desist from raids across the armistice lines in the neighbouring territory." Fedayeen gangs, operating in neighbouring countries under Egyptian direction, continue to spread death and havoc throughout our countryside. Since 3 December when the Cairo radio announced the intention of the Nasser regime to conduct raids into Israel throughout the winter, some 30 assaults have been mitted. The official media of in Egypt have reported these attacks in boastful muniqués. It is evident that in this respect, too, Egypt claims the fulfilment of Assembly s by others, without any parallel acts of pliance on her part.

Moreover, during a period in which the United Nations has used its full influence on Egypt's behalf for the withdrawal of troops, Egyptian policy has been masked by a grave violation of Charter principles and of fundamental human rights. Foreign nationals have been expropriated and deported. The Jewish munity has been subjected to a persecution recalling some of the excesses of totalitarianism before and during the Second World War. 7,000 Egyptian Jews have been driven out by this organised cruelty, and all the conditions for a panic-stricken exodus have been wilfully created by the Nasser regime,雅虎翻譯社. Thousands of victims have reached Israel's weling shores. Some member Governments, in their direct relationships with Egypt, have been moved to express mounting indignation and concern.

World opinion has been quick to perceive the disparity between the assistance which Egypt has received of the United Nations, and the plete absence of any Egyptian response to the legitimate interests of other States and of the organised international munity. The question whether Israel is not withdrawing into a position of exposure to renewed Egyptian belligerency, by land and sea, arises in our mind with increasing anxiety and concern.

The acuteness of this question will be easily perceived if we recall that twelve weeks have elapsed since my Government addressed four questions to the Egyptian Government which have still not been answered:

1. Does Egypt still adhere to the position declared and maintained by her over years that she is in a state of war with Israel?

2. Is Egypt prepared to enter into immediate negotiations with Israel with a view to the establishment of peace between the two countries as indicated in paragraph 3 of the aide-memoire of the Government of Israel of 4 November 1956 to the Secretary-General of the United Nations?

3. Does Egypt agree to cease economic boycott against Israel and lift the blockade of Israel shipping in the Suez Canal?

4. Does Egypt undertake to recall Fedayeen gangs under her control in other Arab countries?

In our talks with the Secretary-General on withdrawal it was mutually understood at all times that the Sharm el Sheikh and Gaza areas were reserved for discussions at a later stage in the withdrawal process. Thus, if the reservation of these problems to this later stage were now made a source of criticism or blame, a serious injustice would be incurred, to the grave prejudice of future discussions. These problems are of special plexity; they touch the question of Israel's security at its most sensitive point. They cannot be treated lightly, without danger to international peace and security. In each case, a change in the existing situation without simultaneous measures to prevent the renewal of belligerency would lead to a possibility, nay, even a certainty, of tension and hostility.

I now e to explain why these problems have this special , and why we must all work with care and precision at the stage which we have now reached in our deliberations.

The Straits of Tiran

The strip of territory in the Sharm el Sheikh area mands the entrance to the Gulf of Aqaba through the Straits of Tiran. The only channel leading from the Red Sea to the Gulf passes between the Island of Tiran and the southeast extremity of the Sinai coast.

This channel is three miles in width, but its navigable part is only some 500 metres broad. Thus any ship passing to or from the Gulf of Aqaba must e very close to the Sinai coast.

At a point in the Sharm el Sheikh area known as Ras Nasrani, Egypt set up gun emplacements six years ago for the sole purpose of preventing ships from sailing freely in the Gulf of Aqaba to and from the port of Elath. Two of these were 6-inch guns and four 3-inch guns. They were trained on the only lane usable by ships as they sail through the Straits. These guns have blockaded the Gulf of Aqaba for the past six years.

Sharm el Sheikh, Ras Nasrani and the neighbouring islands are uninhabited, waterless and desolate. The only purpose of any human presence in those places until 3 November was to prevent free access to an international waterway. The purpose of our presence since then has been to ensure free access. It is astonishing to observe the elaborate installations; the ammunition depots; the airstrip; the spacious acmodations which the Egyptians had established, with the sole aim of obstructing the free passage of merce between two parts of the high seas.

These installations were established towards the end of 1949. In reply to a query addressed to it by the American Embassy in Cairo, the Egyptian Government, on 28 January 1950, gave assurances that it had no intention of interfering with peaceful shipping, and that passage through the Straits would "as in the past remain free in conformity with international practice and with recognised principles of international law." This Egyptian document has been recorded in full in the verbatim records of the Security Council

In spite of this assurance, and of the fact that the Gulf of Aqaba is a recognised waterway, Egypt has used its gun emplacements to blockade the passage of ships bound for Elath through the Straits of Tiran. The blockade in the Suez Canal, which was condemned by the Security Council in 1951, has been carried out by Egypt with equal stringency--and illegality--in the Gulf of Aqaba.

The blockade works primarily through its effect, but many acts of force have been mitted against ships exercising innocent passage in this international waterway. Fire has been opened on British, American and Italian ships; interference and obstruction have been offered to vessels of Norwegian, Danish and other flags. These acts of piracy had almost eliminated merce and navigation in the Gulf of Aqaba; slowed down the development of the Port of Elath; inflicted illicit injury on Israel's economy and trade, and denied other countries an alternative route to the Suez Canal, as a link between the Red Sea and the Mediterranean.

On 3 November, when Israel forces entered the Sharm el Sheikh area to assure Israel's self-defence against wanton belligerency, these guns were silenced. To-day, for the first time, ships of all nations are free to move north and south through the Straits of Tiran to and from Elath. An alternative link to Suez joining the Red Sea and Mediterranean is now open to all shipping without distinction of flag.

In his Note to the General Assembly the Secretary-General refers to "the international significance of the Gulf of Aqaba" which justifies "the right of innocent passage through the Straits of Tiran and the Gulf in accordance with rules of international law." In 1949 the International Court of Justice ruled that when straits are geographically part of a highway used for international navigation, the vessels of all nations enjoy the right of free passage therein, whether or not the straits are entirely or partly within the territorial waters of one or more states. In the words of the Court, they belong to the class of international highways through which passage cannot be prohibited by a coastal state.

The international of the Gulf of Aqaba and the Straits of Tiran is fully confirmed by the jurisprudence of the United Nations. In 1951, the Security Council denounced the Egyptian blockade against Israel, as inconsistent with Egypt's international obligations. In particular, the Security Council denied Egypt the right to exercise visit, search or seizure or to apply restrictions against shipping on the grounds of "belligerent rights". Egypt was called upon to cease all such practices. While the Council's decision was prompted by the Egyptian illegalities in the Suez Canal, its judgments against visit, search or seizure are couched in broader terms, so as to be of general application.

In March 1954 the Security Council discussed an Israeli plaint against Egyptian restrictions both in the Suez Canal and the Gulf of Aqaba. The majority voted for a condemning these restrictions, wherever applied, and calling for their immediate cessation. This was presented by New Zealand and supported by the United States, the United Kingdom, France, Brazil, Colombia, Turkey and Denmark. Interpreting the majority view, the New Zealand representative said:


"The final paragraph of the draft refers only to the plaint of interference with ships in the Gulf of Aqaba. The arguments advanced by the representatives of Egypt in justification of that interference cannot be sustained and in fact have already been rejected by the Council."
Thus the illegal of Egypt's restrictions is established by recognised principles of international law, by the jurisprudence of the Security Council and of the International Court of Justice; by the consensus of the Maritime Powers; and even by Egypt's own admission in its assurance to the United States on 28 January 1950.

Israel is the only country in the world, except Egypt, with a coastline both on the Mediterranean and on the Red Sea. The fact that its territory unites the Eastern and Western oceans across a land bridge of less than 150 miles constitutes Israel's most important geographical advantage; to have had this facility denied by illegal action for many years is an outrage which should no longer be suffered. Indeed, having in recent weeks experienced the use of this open international waterway, Israel can surely not be asked to acquiesce in its ever being closed again. The development of the southern part of our country; the expansion of our port facilities at Elath; our right of free merce with friendly nations in Africa and Asia; the vision of our country as a bridge between the traffic and ideas of the Eastern and Western worlds; the liberation of countries in Europe and Asia from exclusive dependence on a single Canal at Suez, exploited by Egypt to hold other states up to injury and extortion; the consequent denial to Egypt of a position of monopoly and domination, unhealthy both for itself and for the maritime nations--all these great issues are bound up in the problem of ensuring free passage through the Gulf of Aqaba and the Straits of Tiran. The more this problem is contemplated the bigger it bees. It is an issue of broad international scope.

Israel is not alone in having a vital interest in the permanent maintenance of free navigation in the Gulf of Aqaba. Countries whose economy depends upon the flow of trade between the Red Sea and the Mediterranean have already suffered loss through the Egyptian blockade in this international waterway. The Gulf, freed from the illegal Egyptian blockade, can bee a pivotal point of international merce. The port facilities at Elath are being constantly improved. munications of all kinds across the relatively short land-link between the two seas are under active improvement; and other projects are in a planning stage. If this position is not impaired, then no single state, and therefore no state at all, will have a stranglehold on the jugular vein of other nations.

The relevance of this consideration is already shown by an item appearing in this morning's New York Times.

The avoidance of any renewed blockade in the Gulf of Aqaba and the Straits of Tiran is an objective which the Government of Israel is resolved to pursue with the utmost tenacity. We have no national interests superior to this. We cannot take the responsibility of allowing this interest to be endangered, and of seeing Egyptian guns ever again set up to obstruct the merce of nations in this international waterway.

Nor, I believe, will the United Nations wish to assume that responsibility. It is unthinkable that our Organisation should, for whatever motive, be instrumental in restoring an illicit blockade. What would history say of the United Nations which for the past five years has not been able to keep the Suez Canal open without discrimination, if it should now be instrumental in obstructing the alternative route between the Red Sea and the Mediterranean? Is it not sufficient that Egypt's policies have denied the world the use of the Suez Canal? Must the blockade also be brought back to the only alternative route? For nine years Egypt has refused to maintain a legal situation in the Suez Canal. Is it conceivable that similar discrimination should be brought back to the Gulf of Aqaba and the Straits of Tiran?

But this result, shocking as it seems, would certainly occur if the United Nations were to press for Israel's withdrawal, without, at the same time, establishing effective arrangements for ensuring permanent freedom of navigation through the Straits and the Gulf.

Unless special measures are now instituted, Israel's withdrawal, after an uncertain interlude of United Nations Emergency Force occupation, would be succeeded by the establishment of Egyptian guns. The open waterway would again bee a closed lake. Ships would be detained and assaulted. Since Israel can never again allow her legitimate merce to be intercepted in the Gulf, Egyptian belligerency would have dire effects. That this prospect is very real is proved by an Egyptian broadcast a few days ago:


"The Arabs will pursue every Israeli ship which tries to pass into the Gulf of Aqaba until they destroy her."
In August 1951, in discussing Egypt's maritime blockade, the representative of Brazil uttered a grave warning. He said:


"Should we accept the Egyptian thesis, we would be bound to recognize any measures of reprisal adopted by the Israel Government. It is obvious that in the exchange of hostile acts that would follow we could hardly expect to lay the foundations of a definite solution to the Palestine question."
Thus, the establishment of effective guarantees for permanent freedom of navigation in the Gulf and the Straits is essential not only for the defence of international and Israeli interests, but also for the preservation of peace. If conflict were to break out, who can be sure to what it might lead?

Because the problem of the Sharm el Sheikh area raises such grave issues it has been reserved for discussion to this late stage. It was no doubt for this reason that in conversations between the Israeli delegate and the Secretary-General it was mutually understood that the very plication of the problems, and the international interest involved, implied a need for negotiation in order to safeguard that international interest and that therefore this belonged to a later state of the general withdrawal.

Surely no delegate who studies this problem can doubt its gravity. Our sole aim and interest in the Sharm el Sheikh area is to ensure that we take no action now which would leave even the smallest chance of such a tragic result as the restoration of the blockade and the consequent renewal of regional conflict and of international tension.

On the other hand, a solution is not impossible. My delegation has variant proposals in mind which it will be prepared to explore in the continuing course of its discussions on the problems of withdrawal. Ways can be sought of simultaneously reconciling two objectives--the withdrawal of Israeli forces, and the effective guaranteeing of permanent freedom of navigation in this international waterway.

The mere entry into this area of United Nations Emergency Force, even with the specific aim of preventing belligerency, would not in itself be a solution. For, there is yet no clarity about the functions of the United Nations Emergency Force or about the duration of its tenure. Any temporary measure for preventing belligerency and securing free navigation would not be effective unless it were ensured in advance that it would operate until a peace settlement were achieved, or until some other effective measure were established by international guarantees for ensuring permanent freedom of navigation. Such guarantees could, perhaps, be furnished either by the principal Maritime Powers; or by an agreement between the four coastal states; or by some bination of the two forms of guarantee. But, if the United Nations Emergency Force were to be regarded as a key to the solution of this problem, greater clarity and precision would be needed in defining its functions and the conditions and duration of its tenure.

The Gaza Strip

In his Note to the General Assembly the Secretary-General states that "further discussions with the representatives of Israel are required" on the question of the Gaza strip. On 14 January, Israel representatives stated that they were ready for such discussions at an early date. At this stage I wish only to describe the general background of our thinking on the Gaza question.

When the State of Israel was established in 1948, the Egyptian army crossed the Sinai Desert into the Negev, in defiance of the cease-fire of the Security Council, in an attempt to destroy Israel's new-born independence by force of arms. The attack was held by the Israel settlements in the Negev. The Egyptians were driven back across the international frontier into Sinai. They succeeded, however, in clinging to a narrow rectangular strip 6 miles wide extending north from the Egyptian frontier for 26 miles along the Mediterranean coast to a point within 35 miles of Tel Aviv.

The Gaza strip was an integral part of the mandated territory of Palestine, and is geographically and economically part of the Negev.

For the eight years of its occupation by Egypt, this strip served as a base to spread terror and wreak havoc against Israel.

The bulk of the area is rural, with urban centres at Gaza, with a population of 45,000; Khan Unis with a population of 14,000 and Rafa with a population of 5,000. The resident population of the entire strip is estimated at 80,000. Only about a third of the population manages to support itself on citric-culture, date growing and some small industry.

Within the Gaza strip there live some 200,000 refugees who are fed, clad and generally provided for by United Nations Relief and Works Agency, and other international relief agencies. Throughout the Egyptian occupation of Gaza, Egypt did not annex the Gaza strip, but treated it as occupied territory provisionally administered by the Egyptian military authorities. In a ruling given by the Cairo Court of Administrative Jurisdiction in September 1955, it was stated that the Gaza strip was outside Egyptian territory and that the Egyptian authorities were exercising "a kind of control over part of the territory of Palestine."

Throughout their occupation of the strip, which ended in November 1956, Egypt acted in Gaza as a foreign conqueror. There was no democratic local representation in Government councils. No action was taken to improve the impoverished condition of the area. Restrictions were placed on the passage of persons and goods from the Gaza strip to Egypt.

As a result of these conditions, many Gaza inhabitants fled to Jordan and to other Arab countries.

The only purpose which the Gaza strip served during the Egyptian occupation was that of providing a convenient base for aggression against Israel. Extending deep into the heart of Israeli territory, the Gaza area was excellently situated as a springboard for this purpose. Over the years, attacks were launched week by week and month by month against the land and people of Israel, and against Israel property and vital installations. Egypt established a closely knit chain of gun positions along the entire demarcation line, subjecting Israel villages to intermittent fire, making life unbearable across large areas of the Northern Negev and the southern coastal plain. Israeli casualties in killed and wounded as a result of Egyptian attacks, nearly all of which emanated from the strip, totalled no less than 573. This was in addition to innumerable cases of sabotage, mine-laying, robbery and theft.

In the summer of 1955 the Nasser regime launched a new form of aggression against Israel from the Gaza strip. Amongst the destitute elements of the local population and refugee camps, the Egyptian High mand organised fedayeen units as military formations of the Egyptian army. In the past eighteen months, these units carried out an intensified campaign of attack upon Israel. They ambushed road traffic, killed men, women and children, blew up wells and water installations, mined roads at night, demolished houses in which farmers and their families were peacefully asleep. These outrages culminated in major outbreaks during August and September 1955, April 1956 and October 1956.

In the ominous build-up of Egyptian forces, with offensive weapons obtained during the first half of 1956, the Gaza strip had an essential role both as a centre for fedayeen groups, and as the forward base of an Egyptian Army division which was stationed there within and hour's drive from Tel Aviv.

Since the expulsion of Egyptian forces from Gaza fedayeen have ceased to infest the countryside. When the tensions and hostilities had died down in early November, the refugee camps became calm. Israel farmers and their families in the Negev had at last attained physical security. Since 3 November no house, no school, no baby home in their villages has been shelled from across the border.

The report submitted by the representative of the Secretary-General, Colonel Nelson, who visited the Gaza strip at the end of November lies before the General Assembly as Document A/3491. According to this report "the Israel authorities have methodically established a program to stabilise life in Gaza." "They have established law and order." "The execution of civic responsibilities is being worked out progressively with the local officials." "The Israel Administration allows the United Nations Relief and Works Agency plete freedom throughout the area." "A plan to make available basic foodstuffs at subsidised prices from Israel Government stocks to the local non-refugee population is being worked out." "Measures were being introduced to facilitate the marketing of agricultural produce, citrus and dates for export from the Gaza area. In speaking to several farmers there was evidence that arrangements were being made through the Israeli Citrus Board to actually export the agricultural produce."

Colonel Nelson reports on the opening of banks and credit facilities. He certifies that "there was relatively small physical damage caused in the area due to the events of the 2nd and 3rd of November." "On 25 November the Israel civilian police reporting to Israel Central Police Headquarters was established in the area, and is being coordinated with the local police. Throughout the area one could see both Israeli civil police and the local police patrolling." On the other hand "there were few troops evident in the area as pared to the concentration of Egyptian troop units prior to 2 November."

Colonel Nelson goes on to report that "water installations are functioning throughout the area;" that "power stations in the area are back to normal;" that telephone munication is being restored progressively;" that "requisitioned cars and trucks are being progressively returned to their owners;" that "hospitals are in full operation;" that "Israel Health Ministry representatives have been in the area to coordinate and assist."

Religious institutions in the area are pursuing their activities without interruption. In a letter addressed on 18 November to the Israel Ministry of Religious Affairs, Monseigneur Antonio Vergani, Vicar General in Israel of the Latin Patriarchate, stated "I have found that everything has gone for the best and that as soon as the occupation of the town by Israel forces had started an officer came immediately to the Latin Church where some 1,500 persons sought refuge, and having ascertained that no harm occurred, posted another officer and guard."

Similar tributes to a growing stability and peace in the Gaza area have been recorded by the Senior Vicar of the Armenian Patriarchate and by the representatives of the International Red Cross mittee.

The future status of the Gaza strip remains to be determined. It must be recalled that Gaza is separated from Egypt by scores of miles of desert. The Egyptian military regime during the past eight years was provisional in , and of undefined legal status; and it resulted in the decay of the area and in the impoverishment of its population. No contribution whatever had been made by Egypt to the solution of any part of the refugee problem, despite the fact that this problem had been created through the invasion of Israel by Egypt and other Arab states in 1948. It is inconceivable to my Government that the nightmare of the previous eight years should be re-established in Gaza with international sanction. Shall Egypt be allowed once more to organise murder and sabotage in this strip? Shall Egypt be allowed to condemn the local population to permanent impoverishment and to block any solution of the refugee problem?

My Government believes that a solution of Gaza's problems, and especially of the problem of Arab refugees can be found. On the other hand, it must be admitted that any international force would be powerless to prevent the return of elements which would incite and intimidate the local population and the refugees, and the recrudescence of fedayeen activities. Nor is it possible to maintain an area such as the Gaza strip almost entirely devoid of economic resources in a state of economic isolation from any adjoining territory.

It will be seen that the issues which arise are plex, and offer no easy solution. There are difficult political and security problems in which 80,000 residents and some 200,000 refugees are involved. It is clear that some time is needed to work out a permanent solution of all these problems. They cannot be solved overnight. The Government of Israel is prepared immediately to enter into discussions in a quest for a solution. But we must not ignore the report of the representative of the Secretary-General who writes that "the removal of any effective authority from the area would cause an eruption either by the refugees or the local inhabitants in the form of looting or destruction of property." It is not difficult to envisage what suffering and dislocation would e upon this sorely tried region, if there were to be an uprooting of all those elements of social, economic and municipal stability which have now been established. Opportunities must be nourished for bringing about radical improvement in the economic and social condition of the inhabitants and for working out a solution of the refugee problem. We believe that all this can be guaranteed by the continuance of the present administrative processes, working in cooperation with representatives of the local population and of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency, and in suitable contact and relationship with the United Nations. While we are not yet ready with final proposals, we hope shortly to present detailed plans to the international munity whereby the Gaza strip would achieve peace and stability; whereby the economic future of the population will be assured, and whereby the United Nations with Israel's fullest cooperation, will be enabled to proceed effectively towards a solution of the refugee problem. The withdrawal of Israeli military forces from the Gaza strip can well be one of the elements in the arrangements which we envisage.

We are ready at an early date to pursue our thinking along these lines with the Secretary-General in accordance with paragraph 9 of his note to the General Assembly. In this case, as in that of the entrance to the Gulf of Aqaba, the desire to proceed speedily with the fulfilment of the General Assembly's objectives on the withdrawal of troops should be tempered by a prudent concern for the avoidance of disruptions and dislocations and above all for the prevention of any risk of resuming the deadly conditions of belligerency which made Gaza a focus of international conflict during the previous eight years.

Mr. President, the General Assembly will surely have no difficulty in concluding that the problem of the Gulf of Aqaba with its broad international perspectives ; and the question of the Gaza strip, with its almost unparalleled plexity, require further clarification in a cooperative spirit. I do not doubt that if the General Assembly leaves room for that consideration the progress already recorded in the Secretary-General's note can be crowned by arrangements which will eliminate the prospect of the renewal of belligerency by land and by sea. In the pursuit of such arrangements my delegation will bend every resource of heart and mind in the days that lie ahead.



翻譯:經驗:攷前攻略 - 技能古道热肠得

難句的典范結搆:
  1、 長身分(句子的某一成份有良多建飾,很長,超過人眼的視力範圍,形成懂得上的困難)
  1)、長從句做主語、賓語及其余成分
  a、 主語從句:主語是一個從句搆成,使其與謂語相隔較遠
  b、 賓語從句:賓語是一個從句搆成,制成與謂語的脫節
  2)、長狀語:較長的狀語,多是從句搆成,也能够是層層修飾的起因
  3)、層層修飾:大批的修飾成分疊加
  4)、並列成分
  2、 常見倒裝搭配
  (1)、及物動詞加介詞:牢固詞組的流动搭配中,經常出現倒裝情況,如:bring a to b,寫做:bring to b a
  例:yet waltzer’s argument , however deficient , does point to one of the most serious weaknesses of capitalism-namely , that it brings to predominant positions in a society people who ,no matter how legitimately they have earned their material rewards , often lack those other qualities that evoke affection or admiration.
  類似的情況:throw over , insert into , import into , infer from, establish for , advocate as 等。
  (2)、及物動詞减副詞
  例:make possible …(單詞或句子)
  3、 省略的僟種情況
  (1)、重復的成分
  (2)、讓步轉合的省略:如although (but)
  (3)、定語從句引導詞的省略which(that )
  (4)、定語從句的引導詞跟係動詞同時省略,變成後寘定語
  如:qualities(such as "the capacity for hard work")
  essential in producing wealth
  4、 短語被宰割:如:such as, so that , too to , more than , from
  a to b , between a and b
  5、 多重否认:如:
  despite these vague categories , one should not claim unequivocally that hostility between recognizable classes cannot be legitimately observed .
  難句的訓練方式: 每位壆英語的友人,五姊妹翻譯社11,正在閱讀的過程中皆有可能碰到各式各樣的難句,假如一時不克不及了解,那麼把它戴抄下來,以便以後適噹的時間仔細的研讀,多遍閱讀, 曲到讀的很順為行,前人雲書讀多遍,其義自現,壆英語其實也是這個情理,剛開初積乏的難句可能越來越多, 噹積累了僟十句之後,發現释然開朗,缓缓不懂的句子會越來越少。

2013年6月5日星期三

翻譯:路試经常使用英語年夜齐 - 游览英語

Good Morning Sir/Madam 师长教师/密斯 凌晨好 ,日文翻譯

Good Afternoon 午安

How are you? 你好麼

Do you speak English? 你講英語嗎?

I can speak a little English. 我能够講一點英語

Please speak slowly. 請缓缓講

Would you mind speak louder please? 請講年夜聲一些

Do you wear glasses? 您有戴眼鏡麼?

I wear contact lenses. 我戴隱型眼鏡

Do you live at same address? 你住在上述地点麼?

Do you have any medical problem? 你的安康有問題麼?

Do you have any question? 你有什麼問題麼?

You must obey all the rules and traffic signs.你要遵照一切的交通規則跟標志

Please sign your name here. 請在這裏簽名

Are you ready now? 你准備好了麼?

Turn on the engine (car). 點水

Let's go. 現在開初

Right turn. 左轉

Left turn. 左轉

Go straight/keep moving straight. 曲行

First street right turn/left turn. 第一條街右轉/左轉

Traffic light right turn/left turn. 交通燈右轉/左轉

Stop sign, make a right turn/left turn. 停牌右轉/左轉

Stay in this lane. 坚持正在這條線路止駛

Second street. 第两條街

Turn on the headlights. 開車頭燈

Turn on the wind shield wiper. 開雨刷

Right of way. 優先權

Stop the car here. 在這裏停車

Pull over the curb. 靠路邊停車

Slow down 慢駛

Three point turn. 三點調頭

Parallel parking. 仄行泊車

Up hill parking. 上坡泊車

Down hill parking. 下坡泊車

Back up. 後退

Back into the driveway. 倒車進进車讲

Too close. 太濒临

Too slow. 太缓

Too fast. 太快

Speed up . 加快

Give your signal. 打燈號

Cancel your signal. 撤消燈號

Try again,哈佛翻譯社. 再試一次

Watch for pedestrians. 留神行人

Take it easy/relax please. 請不要緊張

More gas. 减油

Follow the car. 跟著前車

Go back to the test centre. 回攷試核心

Entrance. 进口

Exit 出心

Intersection 十字路口

Put on your seat belt. 放保险帶

Parking brake . 脚剎

Turn on the heater/air conditioner. 打開热氣/热氣

Head in parking/drive in . 車頭進泊車

Back in parking. 後退泊車

Turn off the engine. 關閉引擎

You failed. 你分歧格

Do you have any identification? 你有証件麼

You passed. 你通過

Try again. 下次再試