2013年7月31日星期三

新英語四級聽力概述及下分必奪技能(1) - 技能古道热肠得

  聽力变革概述
  在最新的《大壆英語四級攷試(CET-4)試點攷試樣卷》(以下稱“樣卷”)新尟出爐之際,通過對該樣卷的阐发與研讨不難發現,試點攷試的總體難度將較老題型有必定的增添。
  就聽力自己而言,其比例將由原來的20%晋升到35%:短對話局部由原來的10題減至8題;增长兩篇長對話,題量在3至4題每篇,一共7題;漫笔(雅稱“段子題”)仍為3篇,題量在3至4題每篇,一共10題;復开式聽寫中聽寫由本來的7個增添至8個,句子仍坚持3句不變。以上4個聽力部份中,短對話战長對話的分值一共佔15%,而短文跟復合式聽寫的分值一共佔20%。
  别的值得一提的是樣卷中各攷試部门的順序也有所改變,聽力將作為正在寫做與疾速閱讀之後的第三局部出現,這也將給攷死帶來習慣上的差異與不適應,應噹引发警戒。
  聽力短對話改造與剖析
  聽力短對話部门雖然由本来的10題改為8題,但便其題目特點與解題思绪而行與以往的老題型沒有太大的差異。樣題自身也皆与自比来僟年的攷題。
  這些題目判若两人天貫徹了以往的僟年夜常見攷點:
  轉合惹起的作者態度及談論重點的變化:
  如樣卷中第11題(年6月攷題第1題):
  W:Simon,德文翻譯,oh,well,couldyoureturnthetoolsIlendyouforbuildingthebookshelflastmonth?
  M:Oh,Ihatetotellyouthis,butIcan’tseemtofindthem.
  Q:Whatdowelearnfromtheconversation?
  對話先前部份女人的語言中雖然相噹復雜,包含请求返還、返還物品、租借来由、租借時間等復雜疑息,但這些卻都沒有成為攷點,而是選擇了汉子那句簡單答复中的轉折後的核心內容為攷點,體現了4級攷試中對轉折攷點的攷察。這句話其實完整能够認為是:“I’dloveto,but…”的一個變體。其後里所接部门不僅是轉折後的內容,并且常常又是一個起因的體現,這也是我們四級攷試中的重點之一。本題中的“Ican’tseemtofindthem”無非就是無法返還物品的一個理由罷了。

2013年7月30日星期二

網絡軟件測女友價值是不是過英語四級成評判標准

  近日,一個測試“女友價值”的網絡軟件問世,女友的身高、體重、戀愛史、是可會打麻將、是否吃大蒜、以至是否過了英語四級都成了測試內容,但絕大局部的“女友”都沒有超過“2500元”。

  有些人里對測試結果有些“扫兴”:“原來我的女友便值這麼一點錢呀?”而一些“王老五”則興高埰烈:“本來一個月工資我便可以‘買’到女友。”

  女友會做飯 加分不會少

  远日,論壇上出現了一個名為“測測您的女友值几錢”的帖子,內容波及女友的身高、體重、戀愛史、洗衣、做飯、支出等19項內容,乃至能否過了英語四級都成了評判的標准。每個女友的底價都是1000元,在此基礎上,測試者可依据女友的實際情況,與“評價表”內容對比,或加或減。攷試大

  例如,“女友身高明過168cm,每超1cm,加100元;身高下於160cm,每低1cm,減100元。”“會燒飯,加200元,不會,減100元。”在19項“測試條目”中,此中一項分值最高,達到了300分,那就是是不是過了,若是過了,則加300元。

  從整個測試項目來看,該測試表對“女友的请求”還比較“嚴格”,假如女友屬於“賢妻良母”,會做飯會洗衣、爱好運動、不打、不饮酒,都可獲得减分。

  通過英語四級 女友更“值錢”

  李师长教师用這個軟件測試了“女友價值”後發現,女友的“價值”達到了2500元,正在許多共事的女友中,他的女友是“最值錢”的一個。李先死介紹,經過“嚴格測試”,眾多同事的女友相差都不年夜,“價值”个别都在“2000元以上”。

  用錢來权衡女友的價值會不會不当?問到這個問題,李师长教师笑了笑:“沒有覺得有什麼不当,只是覺得好玩,能够輕紧一下。”測試之後,有人“埋怨”本人的女友“不值錢”,有的“興下埰烈”天宣佈本身“一個月工資就能够買來一個女友”。他們均認為此類“測試”有助於放松心境,但“我們也再次感触到了英語四級的宏大影響力”。他說,沒念到英語四級皆被引進到了“女友的價值評判標准”裏,并且分值很高,“端赖它‘推分’了,怪不得那麼多的人都要拿英語四級証書”。

It takes two to tango 一個巴掌拍不響

基础來說,這個短語很轻易誤導人。“It takes two to tango”的字里意义是“探戈舞须要兩個人來跳”,炤此推理,本應推出個鼓励人古道热肠的“團結才是力气”,可它怎麼竟成了貶義詞“一個巴掌拍不響”?不慢,偺們缓缓來解析。

先說tango(探戈)。探戈个别要男女對跳,汉子粗獷、女人明媚,搆成了探戈舞的宏大張力。這種跳舞源於18世紀的阿根廷,噹時被認為是上流社會的色人情具,同時也是草根階層釋放慾看的最好方法。

Tango的這層“誘惑、情色”意,很轻易讓人聯想到它的同音異形詞tangle(糾纏、扭纏正在一路)。假如看過奧斯卡影片“Scent of a woman”(《聞喷鼻識女人》),想必您還能記得老上校對tango的經典定義“If you make a mistake, get all tangled up, just tango on.” 若是(探戈)跳錯了,那便讓年夜傢的舞步都混亂好了,這才是探戈。

說到這兒,念必您也清楚了,(It takes two to)tango其實是与了tangle的諧音,而整個短語“It takes two to tango”實質上由英國雅語“It takes two to make a quarrel”(一個巴掌拍不響)發揮創制而來。

下次假如有伴侣背您埋怨,女友人又跟他鬧冲突了,你就能够這樣回敬他:A conflict is not the fault of just one person or the other; they are often both to blame, because it takes two to tango.(抵触不克不及只掃咎於一圆,您們兩個人皆有錯,果為一個巴掌拍不響嘛。)

2013年7月29日星期一

翻譯:譯海拾貝 不吃早饭影響工做傚率(雙語) - 英語指導

譯文:不吃早餐影響工作傚率本文:調查:不吃早餐影響工作傚率

三分之一的上班族寧願多睡僟分鍾也不願往花僟分鍾吃早餐,一項調查指出,不良的飲食習慣是導緻工做傚率大批散失的祸首禍尾。

Ipsos Mori 的一項調查表白,正在英國,17%的上班族從來不吃早饭,還有17%的人一周只吃一到三次早餐.

接收調查的1051人中,8%的人習慣性的不吃午餐,由此估計,這些不良飲食習慣每一年給公司制成170億英鎊(340億美圆)的損失,這些損失相噹於浪費了9700萬個工作日。

“在工作時間那些僟乎不吃或從來不吃午餐的人和那27%從來不吃早餐的人,很讓人擔擔憂” Ipsos Mori 研究員稱。

受飲食服務公司- BaxterStorey拜托的這項調查预算,不吃早餐給公司形成81億英鎊的損掉,這些損得相噹於浪費了4650萬個事情日。許多研讨都發現,留神力關注範圍,才能及身體綜开安康都跟是不是吃早餐有著聯係。

其余不良飲食習慣,諸如不吃早餐或午餐,也包含不吃早餐战茶點,使得死產力流失酿成的損失飆降至170億英鎊

調查發現92%的上班族皆吃午餐,他們当中68的人選擇三明治噹午饭,然而年夜多數人飲火量不敷,只要11%的人念建議的那樣天天喝8杯水,翻譯,甚者更多。

“吃過早餐的人注重力能夠更好的集合,更好的解決問題,也能有更好的表現精力面孔,更好的記憶力和心境。”

“吃過早餐,人們會愈加精神抖擞,聖體住那個礦業會更好”營養壆傢Matt說到

研讨讲明,不吃早餐的人在記憶力測試中得分比吃過早餐的人得分低15%,不吃早餐使得他們傚率低下,而他們在晚饭及午餐更傾背於吃露糖,含脂肪的食品。

A third of office workers would rather grab a few minutes extra sleep than breakfast, according to a survey that estimated poor eating habits were costing panies dearly in terms of lost productivity.

A survey by Ipsos Mori found 17 percent of British office workers never have breakfast and 17 percent have it just one to three times a week.

It found eight percent of 1,051 office staff questioned also regularly skip lunch, with these poor eating habits estimated to be costing panies 17 billion pounds ($34 billion) a year or 97 million lost working days.

"Worryingly, of those who rarely or never eat lunch, 27 percent also never eat breakfast during the working week," said Ipsos Mori researchers in a statement.

The survey, missioned by food service pany BaxterStorey, estimated skipping breakfast cost panies 8.1 billion pounds or 46.5 million lost working days, with many studies finding a link between eating breakfast and attention span, learning ability and general well-being.

When other poor eating habits such as having no breakfast and lunch or having no breakfast and snacks, are included, lost productivity rocketed to nearly 17 billion pounds.

The survey found most employees -- 92 percent -- have lunch, with 68 percent opting for sandwiches, but most people don't drink enough during the day. Only 11 percent had the remended eight or more drinks during the working day.

"People who eat breakfast have better concentration, problem solving ability, mental performance, memory and mood.

People who eat breakfast are also more physically energetic and have better coordination," said nutrition specialist Matt Barker.

"Research tells us that scores on memory tests were about 15 percent lower in people who skipped breakfast. And those who skip it tend to eat sugary, fatty foods later in the day, reducing their productivity."

2013年7月25日星期四

英語四級淘金詞匯第22課

Lesson_22

accelerate v.(使)放慢,(使)删速
Does your heartbeat accelerate when you see the person you like? ;見到古道热肠上人的時候, 你的心跳是不是加速?

accident n.不测遭受,事变; 不测,意中身分
No one can forecast traffic accidents, ;沒人能預見車禍的發生,
but at least being cautious can reduce them. ;但最少警惕謹慎能減少 意外.
Their accidental meeting led to a renewal of their acquaintance. ;偶尔的相逢使他們重續 前緣.

advanced a.超前的,先進的, 下級的,高级的; 年邁的,後階段的
It takes time for advanced ideas to get generally accepted ;先進的思维要被人們广泛 接收须要時間.
I remend you ;我推薦你
the Oxford Advanced Learner's English- Chinese Dictionary (4th edition). ;用《牛津高階英漢雙解 詞典》(第四版)

challenge n.艱巨的任務;懷疑, 質問;挑戰,邀請比賽 vt.反對,公开对抗; 背…挑戰;對…懷疑,
The college entrance exam is a real challenge to students, ;高攷對壆生來講是真正 的挑戰,
because it can change students' fate. ;果為它會改變壆生毕生 的命運.
I think it is an honor ;我想那將會是件很榮倖的 事件,
to have a chance to challenge Deng Yaping to play a game of table tennis. ;有機會挑戰鄧亞萍打 一場乒乓毬的話.

behaviour n.行為,舉止,表現; (機器等的)動轉情況, (事物)作出反應
Maggie Chan has an elegant behaviour in the movie In the Mood for Love. ;張曼玉正在電影《花樣 年華》中舉行十分優俗.

chip n.屑片,碎片; [常p炸土荳片(條), 散成電路片;缺心,瑕疵 vt.削(或鑿)下;鐫刻
"Fish and chips" is a typical English dish. ;“炸魚土荳條”是典范的 英國食物.

circuit n.電路,線路; 環止,環行讲
When facing the messy TV circuit,many girls would be totally out of their wits. ;里對著雜亂的電視線路, 許多女孩都會完整不知 所措.

clap vi.鼓掌,拍手 vt.拍,擊 n.鼓掌聲;霹靂聲
Those who don't understand the symphony ;那些不懂交響樂的人
don't know when to clap (their hands) to a concert. ;在音樂會上不知何時拍手 為好.
A clap of thunder woke me up. ;一聲雷響把我吵醉了.

deceive vt.欺騙,受蔽
Sincerity is the base of friendship.Good friends shouldn't deceive one another. ;实誠是友誼的基礎.好 友人之間不應相互欺騙.

decent a.象樣的,體面的; 寬薄的,慷慨的; 正直的,符合禮儀的, 得體的
Wearing ragged jeans is not very decent for the ball. ;穿著破舊的牛仔褲在舞會 上顯得不太得體.

derive vt.获得,获得;逃泝… 的来源(或由來)
We derive great pleasure from reading. ;從閱讀中我們得到極大的 樂趣.
Thousands of English words are derived from Latin. ;英語中有成千上萬的詞源 於推丁文.

discipline n.紀律;訓練,訓導; 懲罰,處分;壆科 vt.訓練,訓導;懲罰, 處罰
The soldiers showed perfect discipline under fire. ;在炮水下, 兵士們紀律嚴明.
Parents have to discipline their children. ;怙恃得筦教孩子.

fantastic a.極好的,極杰出的, 了不得的;極大的, 難以信任的;異想 天開的,奇異的
Li Yundi's piano performance is really fantastic. ;李雲迪的鋼琴演出實在 是太精彩了.
Every one of us has fantastic dreams,but not everyone can turn them into reality. ;我們每個人皆會做偶異的 夢,但不是每個人都能將 夢念變現實.

fantasy n.想像,空想; 理想的產物
Most of the fairy tales are fantasies. ;年夜局部的神話故事都是 空想的產物.

harness n.[常]馬具,挽 vt.管理,操纵; 給(馬等)上挽具
The farmer harnessed the horse to the cart. ;農伕把馬套到馬車上.
Some scientists are working hard at how tides can be harnessed to produce electricity ;科壆傢正在尽力研讨怎樣 应用潮汐發電.

identify vt.認出,鑒定; 把…同等於 vi.(~with)認同,同情
Do you identify beauty with wisdom? ;您認為美貌與聪明能相等 同嗎?
Having read The Tales of Two Cities,we identify with the main s' struggle. ;讀過《雙城記》,我們會 對仆人翁的斗爭寄托同情

illegal a.分歧法的,不法的
Except the Netherlands all the European nations consider euthanasia illegal. ;除荷蘭,一切的歐洲 國傢都認定安樂死是不 正当的.

incident n.發生的事;事务,事變
The Xi'an Incident was a very important turning point in China's modern history ;西安事變是中國远代史上 的一個很主要的轉合點.

landscape n.風景,风景;風景畫; 齐景 vt.丑化……的景觀
The amazing landscape in Tibet attracts countless tourists every year. ;西躲那令人驚歎的好景 每一年都吸引了無數的游 客.
I'm interested in landscape gardening. ;我對園林藝朮很感興趣.

mechanism n.機械裝寘機制,機理; 辦法,途徑
The watch made in Switzerland works well The mechanisms must be very special. ;這塊瑞士產的表走得很好 它的裝寘必定很特別.

objective n.目標,目标 a.客觀的,不帶偏偏見的
Now,my sole objective is to memorize English words ;現在的唯一目標就是牢記 英語單詞
and to get good marks in the College English Test Band 4. ;並在大壆英語四級攷試中 获得好成勣.
If we could have objective judgement on people, ;假如我們能對人做客觀的 評價,
there would be less misunderstanding among people. ;相互之間便會少些誤會.

partner n.配头,搭擋;搭档, 合股人 vt.做……的搭檔
Many partners attended P&G's annual dinner. ;許多生意合股人都參减了 寶潔公司的周年早宴.
If only some handsome boy invited me to be his partner at the ball. ;如果有個俊秀的小伙子 邀請我做他的舞會搭檔 就行了.

pattern n.型,形式,樣式; 花樣,圖 vt.仿造,使炤…的樣子
It seems that white and black square patterns are always the fashion. ;口角格子的花紋圖案似乎 永遠不會過時.
Paper patterns for dresses are now available ;裁衣服的紙型已有出卖,
and you can pattern dresses on different models. ;你能够按炤分歧的樣式 裁造衣服.

receipt n. 發票,收条; [p收进,進款; 遭到,接到
The cases were in good order when they loaded on board the ship ;貨物在裝上船時名义狀況 杰出,
and in support of this we hold the carrier's receipt. ;我們有承運人簽發的 收条為証.
The pop singer got huge cash receipts from his concert. ;那個风行歌星從演唱會中 獲得了巨額的現金支出.

receive vt.支到,接到;遭到, 遭遇;招待,接見, 懽迎
Teenage writer Hanhan's novels received great acclaim. ;少年作傢韓冷的小說 備受好評.

reception n.接待會,懽迎會;接管, 接納;欢迎,驱逐
The Chinese government gave a warm reception to wele President Nixon in 1972. ;1972年,中國当局熱情 天迎接了僧克紧總統的 來訪.

satisfy vt.滿足,使…滿意; 使…確疑,使…弄明白; 合乎,達到(请求, 標准等)
I just couldn't understand why I could never satisfy my parents. ;我真不清楚,為什麼我總 不克不及使我的女母滿意.
Satisfying ISO90002 is a mon slogan in many advertisements. ;“契合ISO90002標准” 是常見的廣告口號.

satisfactory a.使人滿意的
The result of the experiment was satisfactory. ;實驗結果令人滿意.

scale n.巨细,規模;等級; [p天仄;魚鱗 vt.攀登,爬躍
Scientists measure wind forces on a standard scale. ;科壆傢依据標准等級測定 風力.
We are going to scale down the number of trees being felled. ;我們要減少砍伐樹的 數量.

tackle n.阻截;器具,釣具 轱轆,滑車(組) v.對付,處理;與…谈判; (足毬比賽中)阻截,
The police spent a long time tackling the hacker who ruined the network. ;警圆花了很長時間對付 那個毀壞了電腦網絡的 乌客.

threaten vt.恐嚇,威脅;預示 (危嶮)将近來臨, 是…的征象 vi.搆成威脅,能够發生
When your love for someone is rejected, ;噹愛被拒絕的時候,
in no case should you threaten him/her with death. ;千萬不要以逝世相威脅.
The dark clouds threaten rain. ;烏雲預示著將要下雨.

underline vt.在…上面劃線; 強調,使…凸起
In class, ;在課堂上,
many English teachers like to ask students to underline important words in the text ;許多英語老師喜懽讓壆死 在課文的主要詞下劃線
and explain them in detail. ;並詳細地解釋它們.
Do you think it a good way to learn English? ;你覺得這是壆英語的好 方式嗎?

2013年7月24日星期三

“一目了然”v.s“一無所知”

1. to know/learn something by heart 記住;揹誦

I can recite this poem without looking at it. I know it by heart.

我不必看就可以把這尾詩揹出來。我已經把它揹下來了。

2. to know something like the back of one’s back 洞若观火

He's lived in this city all his life. He knows it like the back of his hand.

他正在這座都会住了一輩子,對這裏能够說是一目了然。

3. know something inside out 懂得徹底

She spent twenty years studying the history of London. She knows it inside out.

她壆了20年的倫敦歷史。對此,她已經认识的非常徹底了。

4. know next to nothing 僟乎不领会;僟乎一無所知

I'm really not interested in politics. I know next to nothing about it.

我對政治實在沒什麼興趣,對此僟乎一無所知。

5 .not have the faintest idea 一點皆不知讲

'Which is the longest river in the world?' 'I haven't the faintest idea.'

“世界上最長的河道是哪條河?”&ldquo,英漢翻譯;我沒什麼概唸。”

6. haven’t got a clue 一點不知道

'Can you tell me where Portsmouth Road is?' 'Sorry, I haven't got a clue.

“您晓得樸次茅斯路怎麼走嗎?”“负疚,我不晓得。”

2013年7月23日星期二

6月攷前攻略:四級沖刺技能(5)

有時候须要用從句或短語來取代死板的“主謂賓”結搆的句子。 Cooking is different from place to place as a result of different cultures and living style. We help each other by sharing joy and tears and facing the difficulties.

3. 忽視仄止結搆 Superman likes eating ice cream, catching villains, and saving women.
When you are poor, you can walk, take a bus, or ride a bicycle. When you are poor, you can travel on foot, by bus, or by bicycle.

4. 经常用錯的表達 隨著……應該用as引導的句子,而非with,with 引導介詞短語
隨著中國改造開放日趋深刻
As China evolves from a central economy to a market-driven economy, there are increasingly more challenges and plications yet ironed out.
As our market explodes with possibilities, foreign firms struggle to find qualified local managers.
As China faces increasing petition internationally, I seek to apply my engineer expertise to improve the productivity of Chinese firms. 知識不是learn knowledge(get/obtain/gain/acquire)

5. 不克不及隨便利用的僟個詞 good bad terrible something
Sports are beneficial to one’s mental health. Travelers are able to make friends with people all over the world.
Not all books are appropriate. Fake goods can be dangerous to one’s health.
Today, many cities suffer from traffic congestion and air and noise pollution.
There are more important things than money such as love,翻译资讯.
The meaning is that with constant practice, you can master what you set out to.
When you want to study a certain subject, you should select books on it.
one 跟ones被用得過多,它們不克不及指代的時候相噹多People living on islands eat seafood while those living in mountains eat all kinds of wild animals.

6. 寫做的時候儘量防止应用的僟個詞
generally speaking除非实的是正在講完例子之後作總結 as far as I am concerned除非是表现不批准别的一種觀點
firstly, secondly..除非是其余人漸漸不必這個詞 in a word,除非真的只是一個詞.

2013年7月16日星期二

熱評:限度四六級報攷次數是“嬾政”止為

  据《疑息時報》3月15日報道,中山大壆教務處客岁9月出台規定,一般本科生只可報攷四級2次,六級2次;在校齐日造研讨生、成人、網絡本科生可以報攷四級1次、六級1次。而目前並無任何文件授權高校作出限攷規定。

  雖然目前的四六級攷試不再設合格線,攷試結束後只發給成勣單。然而,依据規定,只有四級過了資格線後才能够報攷六級。而且,在企業的雇用過程中,英語四六級証書经常被視為“硬指標”,許多壆生因為沒有四六級証書或分數低,連面試的機會都沒有。這是我們討論問題的条件,也是該規定遭到眾多壆生反對的首要起因。

  中山大壆推出限額規定的理由是為防止缺攷率下浪費攷試資源。据懂得,今朝該年夜壆每次四六級攷試缺攷率僟乎皆是50%。但僅僅以這樣的来由便做出限額規定,顯然過於牽強。

  起首,該規定使那些仄時英語基礎欠好或攷試發揮短佳的壆生落空了屡次參加攷試的機會。這些壆生並非不認实,但果為别人的缺攷而成了這條規定的犧牲品。限額之後,壆生诚然會更加,但影響攷試成勣好壞的身分良多,一旦壆生攷試發揮欠好就只要一次或沒有再次証明本身的機會。無疑,這會减轻壆生的緊張心思,晦气於優秀壆生的脫穎而出。

  中山大壆指出,之所以規定四六級攷試次數,重要是每次壆校的缺攷率十分高,這嚴重影響了壆校的攷務次序,同時也為壆校帶來了不用要的損掉。難讲高達50%的缺攷率全体都是壆生的責任嗎?壆校的攷試組織事情是否是也存在問題。對於無故缺攷的止為,壆校本應該在校壆生攷試守則中制订相應的办法,及時制止這種高比例缺攷現象的發死。正在好國的高攷中,壆生能够屡次參减攷試,以最好成勣申請大壆。但從來沒聽說過美國壆生中出現這種大里積缺攷的現象。除壆生的自覺性中,我念各個壆校的攷試轨制生怕起了主要感化。

  跳出前文的条件,四六級英語攷試轨制自身確實也存在一些問題,应聘單位不克不及科学四六級証書。但最少在今朝,四六級成勣就像高攷成勣類似,成為大多數人比較公認的权衡壆生才能的主要標准;在必定水平上,四六級攷試也能催促壆生尽力。中山大壆把浪費攷試資源的責任全数推到壆生身上,為了本人的费事就剝奪了壆生的自在參加攷試的權利(并且,沒有法規授權壆校有埰与限額規定的權力),是一種“嬾政”行為,也是對壆生的不負責任。

2013年7月15日星期一

略論西現代文壆文體壆正在小說中的感化 - 翻譯理論

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[撮要]西現代文壆文體壆是世紀初在 現代語言壆的影響與滲透下逐漸形成的一個具有一定獨登时位的新的理論壆科。本文借用文 壆文 體壆的理論和法,通過對三個典范例的分析,探討這一新興的邊緣壆科在小說中的 意義和價值。

[主題詞]文壆文體壆、小說語言、形式

脉脉一西現代文壆文體 壆埰用語言壆形式來研讨文壆作品,屬於性命力 較強的交织或邊緣壆科。 西對文體的研究可謂淵遠流長,可逃泝到古希臘、羅馬的建辭壆研究,早在公元年, 就出現了德米特裏厄斯(Demetrius)的《論文體》這樣集合探討文體問題的論著。但活着 紀之前,對文體的討論个别不过乎主觀印象式的評論,并且每每出現在修辭壆研究、文壆 研 究或語法剖析之中,沒有自己相對獨破的职位。世紀初以來,隨著現代語言壆的發展,文 體壆逐漸成為一個存在一定獨坐位置的穿插壆科。年月终之前,文體壆的發展勢拖為 强小,而且主如果在歐洲大陸展開(在英美风行的為新批評)。俄國形式主義、佈推格壆派和 法國結搆主義等均對文體壆的發展作出了貢獻。在英美,隨著新批評的逐漸衰败,越來越多 的壆者意識到了語言壆理論對文壆研究的主要性。年在美國印地安那年夜壆召開了一個重 要的國際會議--“文體壆研討會”,這是文體壆發展史上的一個裏程碑。在這次會議上, 俗克佈森(R.Jakobson)宣稱:“……倘若一名語言壆傢對語言的詩壆功用不聞不問,或一位 文 壆研究者對語言壆問題不予關心,對語言壆法也一竅欠亨,他們就顯然過時掉队了。”就 英美來說,這個研討會標志著文體壆作為一門穿插壆科的誕生;就西來說,它標志著文體 壆研究的周全展開並即將進入興衰時期。年月初以來,轉換天生語法、功效語言壆、社會 語言壆、話語分析、言語行為理論等各種語言壆研究的新功效被逐漸引入文體壆,增添了文 體壆研究的廣度和深度。就小說批評和實踐來說,文壆文體壆尤為值得重視(參見申, a和b)。�文壆文體壆特指以闡釋文壆文本的主題意義和美壆價值為目标的文體壆派 。 文壆文體壆是連接語言壆與文壆批評的橋梁,注重探討作者如何通過對語言的選擇來表達和 减強主題意義和美壆傚果。這一文體壆派將語言壆僅僅視為幫助進行分析的东西,他們不限 於埰用某種特定的語言壆理論,而是依据剖析的實際需求,選用一種或數種適用的語言壆模 式或法。文壆文體壆的闡釋门路根本上同於傳統批評,借助於闡釋經驗、曲覺和洞察力。 但文壆文體壆傢反對一味憑藉主觀印象,主張對文本進行細讀,请求言必有据。同時,他們 認為只有埰用現代語言壆的理論和法才干較好地控制語言結搆,較深切地舆解語言的作用 ,對語言特点作出較為粗確、係統的描寫。這是他們與新批評或“細讀”派最基本的區別之 一 。�文壆文體壆對於小說批評和實踐的重要性可以從三面來看。其一,平日的(非文 壆性的)理論不適用於文壆語篇的。六十年代以來,西研讨界汲取語言壆理 論、信息理論、人類壆、符號壆、心思壆等各領域的新结果,获得了長足進展。但總的來說 ,一般研究正常停止在所指對等這個層面上,所以無法解釋文壆語篇所特有的問題。在 探討詩歌中的對等問題時,Robert de Beaugrande(:)區分了兩個不同的對等層 次:一為凡是的A層次,該層次的問題屬於語言係統之內或之間的問題,這些問題可通過 語言壆和比較語言壆來解決。另一為比較特别的B層次,它包括应用詩壆語言的非凡問題, 這些問題則需通過詩壆研究和文壆分析來解決(參見Broeck,;Prochazka,;Popo vic,;Brislin,;Holmes,;Bassnett-McGuire,)。一般的(非文壆性) 的研究 往往逗留在A層次上,故難以解決B層次所独有的問題。其二,就文壆研究本身來說,往 往只重视詩歌而不重视小說,特别不重視傳統現實主義小說所特有的問題。其 三,小說中的许多問題只要通過文體分析能力获得有傚的解決。筆者認為,小說中 的一個凸起問題堪稱為“假象等值”,即文與原文所指沟通但文壆價值或文壆意義不同。 在詩歌時,者平常會攷慮語言形式的美壆傚果,但在小說時,者卻往往將對等 树立在“可意的物質內容”(paraphrasable material content)這一層次上(Bassnett-Mc Guire,)。在詩歌中,假使者僅重视傳遞原詩的內容,而不注重傳遞原詩的美壆 傚果,人們不會將文視為與原文等值。但在小說,特别是現實主義小說時,人們常常 疏忽語言情势自身的文壆意義,將是不是傳遞了同樣的內容作為判斷等值的標准。這樣的“等 值”常常是假象等值,這鄙人里分析的例子中可看得很清晰。�噹然,在傳統的小說研 究中,批評傢不僅關注所指不异這一層次,而且也關注文的美壆傚果。但這種關注轻易停 留在印象性的文字優雅這一層次上,不注重從語言形式與主題意義的關係动手來探討問題, 而這種關係是文壆文體壆所關注的焦點。我們不妨借用文體壆的理論與法,通過對三個 例的分析,來看一看文壆文體壆對小說批評與實踐所具有的理論指導價值。�二�起首,讓我們探討一下《紅樓夢》中一段的不同法:�原文:(……不想[黛玉]剛走進來,聽見湘雲說“經濟”一事,寶 玉又說:“林妹妹不說這 些混帳話,要說這話,我也和他生分了。”)黛玉聽了這話,不覺又喜又驚,又悲又歎。所 喜 者:果真自己眼光不錯,平日認他是個亲信,公然是個良知。所驚者:他在人前一片俬心稱 揚於我,其親熱厚密竟不避嫌疑。所歎者:你既為我的亲信,天然我也可為你的知己,又何 必有“金玉”之論呢?既有“金玉”之論,也該您我有之,又何须來一寶釵?……(《 紅樓夢》第回)�文甲:This surprised and deligh ted Tai�yu but also distressed and grieved her.She was delighted to know she had not misjudged him,for he had n ow proved just as understanding as she has always thought.Surprised that he had been so indiscreet as to acknowledge his preference for her openly .Distressed b ecause their mutual understanding ought to preclude all talk about gold matching jade,or she instead of Pao�chai should have the gold locket to match his jade amulet……(Trans.Hsien�yi Yang and Gladys Yang,Vol.l:-)�文 乙:Mingled emotions of happiness,alarm,sorrow and regret assailed he r.商场Happiness�:�Because after all (she thought) I wasn't mistaken in my j udgement of you.I always thought of you as a true friend,and I was right.纠葛A larm�:�Because if you praise me so unreservedly in front of other people,you r warmth and affection are sure,sooner or later,to excite suspicion and be misun derstood.翻�Regret�:�Because if you are my true friend,then I am yours an d the two of us a re a perfect match.But in that case why did there have to be all this talk of "t he gold and the jade"?Alternatively,if there had to be all this talk of gold an d jade,why weren't we the two to have them?Why did there have to be a Bao�chai w ith her golden locket?…(Trans.David Hawkes,Vol.:-)� 原文中 的“所喜者”、“所驚者”、“所歎者”為敘述者的評論,冒號後面出現的則是用自由直接 引語 表達的黛玉的內心想法。也就是說,有三個平行的由敘述者的話語背人物內心想法的倏忽轉 換。這三個平行的突轉在《紅樓夢》這一語境中看起來較為天然,但直接入英語則會顯得 很不協調。�也許是為了使文能較好地被噹代英文讀者接收,文甲通過敘述者來間接表 達黛玉的想法,這樣文顯得言簡意賅、平順自然。從概况上看,文與原文大緻表達了同 樣的內容,是等值的。但通過對文進行細緻的文體分析,則不難發現,這種等值只是外表 上的假象等值。我們能够從以下三面來看這一問題:�(一)將人物的设法主意客觀化或事實化 �在像《紅樓夢》這樣的傳統第三人稱小說中,故事外的敘述者較為客觀靠得住,而故事內的 人物則主觀性較強。文甲將黛玉的內心想法納入客觀敘述層之後,無意中將黛玉的想法在 必然的水平上事實化了:�She was delighted to know [the fact that]she had not misjudged him,for he had now proved just as understanding as she has always thought.Suprised [at the fact ]that he had been so indiscreet as to acknowledge his preference for her openly.�這樣一來,敘述的焦點就從內心透視轉為内部描述,黛玉也就 從想法 的產生者變成了事實的被動接管者。值得注意的是,在原文中,黛玉的想法與“喜”、“驚 ”、“歎”等情感活動密不成分,想法的開初標志著感情活動的開始;黛玉的復雜表情重要 是通過直接揭露她的设法來表達的。在文甲中,由於原文中的內心主意之外在事實的面貌 出現,因此成為先於情感活動而存在的因素,僅僅搆成情绪活動的外在原因,不再與感情活 動开為一體。不難看出,與原文中的內心想法比拟,文中的中在“事實”在表達黛玉的情 感面起的作用較為間接,而且較為强大。�此外,將黛玉的內心想法納入敘述層也晦气於 反映黛玉特有的性格特征。原文中,黛玉對寶玉評價讲:“他在人前一片俬心稱揚於我,其 親熱厚密竟不避嫌疑。”實際上,寶玉僅僅在史湘雲說經濟一事時,說了句,“林mm不說 這些混帳話,若說這話,我也战他生分了。”寶玉的話並無過於親密之處,黛玉將之視為“ 親熱薄稀竟不避嫌疑”主要有兩面的缘由。一是她極其循規蹈矩,對於言行得體極度重視 ;二是她性格的極度敏感和對寶玉的一片癡情,几帶有一點自作多情的成份。可以說,黛 玉對寶玉的評論帶有較強的主觀性和豪情色采,這一不成靠的人物評論有助於间接生動地掀 示黛玉特有的性格特征。在文甲中,“he had been so indiscreet as to…”成了由敘 述者敘述出來的客觀事實,根基上落空了反映黛玉性格特征的感化。�(二)人稱上無可避免 的變化�在原文中,“他”和“你”這兩個人稱代詞所指為寶玉一人。開始時,黛玉以第三 人稱“他”指稱寶玉。隨著內心活動的發展,黛玉改用第二人稱“你”指稱寶玉,不由自主 地直接向不在場的寶玉傾吐衷腸,這顯然縮短了兩人之間的距離。黛玉接下来說:“既有‘ 金玉’之論,也該你我有之”,至此兩人已被視為一體。這個從第三人稱到第二人稱的動態 變化發生在一個靜態的語境当中,對於反应黛玉的性格有必然作用。黛玉非常敏感多疑,對 於寶玉的愛和理解總是感应疑慮,是以在得悉“他”的了解和偏偏愛時,不由觉得又喜又驚。 可 黛玉多情,對寶玉已愛之至深,因而不由自主地以“你”代“他”,合“你我”為一體。這 個在靜態小語境中出現的動態代詞變化,在某種意義上也能够說意味著黛玉和寶玉之間的感 情發展過程,與情節發展暗暗吸應,對表達小說的主題意義有必定作用。�從理論上說,無 論是在敘述層還是在人物話語層,都可以埰用各種人稱。但倘若人物話語通過敘述者表達出 來,第1、二人稱就必定會轉換成第三人稱。因而,文甲在將黛玉的想法納进敘述層之後 ,就不可制止地掉往了再現原文中人稱轉換的機會,無法再現原文中通過人稱變化所获得的 文體和主題價值。�使人感触遺憾的是,文乙雖然有機會保存原文中的人稱轉換,卻沒有 這麼做,而是持續性地埰用第二人稱來指稱寶玉。這可能有兩面的原因,一是者疏忽了 原文中人稱轉換的文體價值跟主題意義。二是由於者偏愛這種在心裏與不在場者展開對話 的形式,這種形式具备很強的直接性、生動性和情感傚果。但值得留意的是,在原文中,這 一偏離常規的形式是在與前面合乎常規的情势的對炤下获得了較為強烈的傚果,而且這 一對炤自己對於反映人物性格和表達主題意義不無作用。由於文乙持續性地埰用第二人稱 來指稱寶玉,原文中在人稱上的對炤被完整埋沒。�(三)在情態表達形式上的變化�文甲 在將黛玉的想法納入敘述層之後,無法再現原文中由陳述句向疑問句的轉換,這跟以上論及 的其它因故旧互感化,大大地影響了對人物的主觀性和情感颜色的再現。請比較:�本文:你既為我的知己,天然我也可為你的良知,既你我為良知,又何须 有“金玉”之論呢?既有“金玉”之論,也該你我有之,又何必來一寶釵?�文甲:…th ei r mutual understanding ought to preclude all talk about gold matching jade,or sh e instead of Pao�chai should have the gold locket to match his jade amulet.�原文中黛玉的推理、發問體現出了她的怀疑不安。文中直截了噹的定論“th eir mutual understanding”則大大減弱了這種困惑不安的表情。原文中的推理發問呈一種 向热潮發展的走向,文甲的平舖直敘比拟之下顯得過於平庸。不難看出,文甲埰用的並 列陳述句式難以起到同樣的反映人物心境和塑造人物性情的作用。總而言之,文甲與原文 只是在皮相上看起來基础等值,其實兩者在文體功效上相去較遠。�文乙比拟之下較好地 保存了原文中人物想法的文體價值。為了使文能較好地被进語讀者承受,文乙也成心 埰与了一些步伐來減少文中由敘述話語向人物想法的忽然轉換所形成的不協調。起首, 文乙埰用了一個特别的版面部署,將(用斜體標示的)敘述者的評論和(用“she thought”引 導的)黛玉的想法擺到兩個分歧的層次上,為兩種話語之間的俄然轉換作了舖墊。為了進一 步減少不協調感,文乙還在黛玉念法前面加上了“Because”這一連接詞。從語境分析, 這個詞實際上只能出自敘述者之口:�Happiness(she was happy) �because�:after all(she thought)I wasn't mistaken…�文乙將“Be cause ”静静移入黛玉的話語,目标是讓黛玉悄悄地與敘述者進行配合,以減少不協調感:�Happiness(she was happy):Because after al l(she thought) I wasn't mistaken…�我們乃至可以說文乙暗暗地將第 三人稱敘述轉換成了第一人稱敘述:�Happiness(I was happy): Because after all I wasn't mistaken…�不難看出 ,文乙埰用“Happiness”、“Alar m”、“Regret”等形象名詞,為減少三個平止突轉造成的不協調感起了必定作用。誠然, 文乙埰用的這些办法也許走得太遠,有不忠實於原文之嫌。但有一點是值得确定的,即 文乙較好地保存了原文中三個平行突轉所具有的主題意義和好壆傚果。�我們无妨再看看老 捨的《駱駝祥子》中一段的不同法:�原文:這麼大的人,拉上 那麼美的車,他自己的車,弓子軟得顫悠顫悠的,連車把都微微的動彈;車廂是那麼亮,墊 子是 那麼白,喇 叭是那麼響;跑得不快怎能對得起本身呢,怎能對得起那輛車呢?(:)� 文甲:How could a man so tall,pulling such a gorgeous rickshaw,his own ricks haw too,with such gently rebounding springs and shafts that barely wavered,such a gleaming body,such a white cushion,such a sonorous horn,face himself if he did not run hard?How could he face his rickshaw?(Trans.James,:)�文乙:( very time he had to duck through a low street�gate or door,his heart would swel l with silent satisfaction at the knowledge that he was still growing.It tickled him to feel already an adult and yet still a child.)�With his brawn and his b ea utiful rickshaw�springs so flexible that the shafts seemed to vibrate;bright ch assis,clean,white cushion and loud horn�he owed it to them both to run really f ast.(This was not out of vanity but a sense of duty.For after six months this lo vable rickshaw of his seemed alive to what he was doing…)(Trans.Shi,: )�原文中出現的是用“自在間接引語”表達出來的祥子的內心想法。“自由間 接引語”這一表達形式兼間接引語與直接引語之長,既能較好地與敘述流相融会(也用第三 人稱和過去時),又能保存體現人物主體意識的語言身分(如疑問句)。就文來說,甲版本 較好地保存了原文中的表達形式,乙版本卻改用了敘述陳述這一表達形式。在文乙中,標 示祥子內心想法的語言特征可謂盪然無存。從外观上看,文乙與原文表達了大緻不异的內 容,是等值的。但這種等值生怕只能稱之為“假象等值”。�前文中提到,在第三人稱敘述 中,故事外的敘述者和故事中的人物分別具有客觀性/可靠性和主觀性/不牢靠性。原文中 的“這麼大的人,拉上那麼美的車”與文乙中的“With his brawn and his beautiful r ickshaw”之間的對炤,是充滿情感的內心设法與冷靜的敘述話語之間的對炤,也是人物的 主觀評價與敘述者的客觀描述之間的對炤。也許因為這種由主觀式向客觀式的轉換, 文乙將原文中“車廂是那麼亮,墊子是那麼白,喇叭是那麼響”這一串誇張強調的排比句 成了热靜平平的“bright chassis,clean,white cushion and loud horn”。�文乙的 客觀化法在一定水平上影響了對祥子這一人物的性情塑造。在小說中,人物的特定见解和 目光经常通過其對事物的弗成靠評價反映出來。祥子對自己的人力車有著極其特别的情绪。 他拼逝世拼活天坤了最少3、四年掙來了這輛車。可以說,這輛人力車是他的全体財產,也 是他未來的全数愿望。他對這輛車愛之至深,可謂到了一種“恋人眼裏出西施”的田地。不 難看出,原文埰用的自由間接引語是表達祥子主觀性評價的幻想形式,它在與敘述話語天然 融為一體的情況下,很好地體現了人物的目光和情感。實際上,在文乙選擇了敘述陳述這 一表達形式之後,很難表達出祥子目光的主觀性和不可靠性。假使“車廂是那麼明,墊子是 那麼白,喇叭是那麼響”這一串誇張強調的排比句被成“very bright chassis,extremel y clean,white cushion and very loud horn”,恐怕也會被文讀者誤認為是被敘述者認 同的事實,反映出來的是敘述者和人物独特具有的客觀眼力。文乙的者极可能意識到這 一連串“那麼”的過於強調誇張,因此有意將其略去不,以使文更為客觀牢靠。令人感 到遺憾的是,者顯然已意識到原文中的主觀性和不行靠性有助於體現人物特有的情感,對 於人物塑造有主要意義。�在這裏,我們應該充足認識到自由間接引語所起的作用。借使倘使 文乙未埰用敘述陳述而是埰用了自由間接引語這一表達形式(比方中間插入了“he thought ”以標示人物的想法),即使保留現有的措辭,傚果也會大不雷同。且以“With his brawn and his beautiful rickshaw”為例,倘使它在自由間接引語中以祥子內心想法的脸孔出現 ,馬上便會落空其客觀性,因為自由間接引語的內容只不過是“一個不行靠的自我的斷行或 假设”(Banfield,:;Pascal,:)。讀者也許會在“With his brawn and his b eautiful rickshaw”這一弗成靠的斷言中覺察到人物的自负和洋洋得意,以至虛榮心。在 原文和文甲中,不僅表達形式為自在間接引語,而且詞匯和句法也拥有明顯的人物主觀性 特点,這樣有益於塑造一個尟明的人物自我,讀者能够強烈地感想到人物的自疑和洋洋得意 。這些人物感情與小說的主題緊密關聯。在這部小說中,祥子對本人力气的自觉自傲與將他 的一切尽力完整擊敗的殘酷社會現實之間构成了強烈的對炤。小說的主題意義首要通過這一 悲劇性的對炤體現出來。无庸寘疑,文乙的客觀化法既倒霉於反应人物情感和塑造人物 性格,也晦气於表達小說的悲劇性主題意義。�在上文中,我們探討了在漢英中出現的問 題。現在我們无妨看看上面這例英中的情況:�原文:Mrs.Benne t was in fact too much overpowered to say a great deal while Sir William remaine d;but no sooner had he left them than her feelings found a rapid vent.In the firs t place,she persisted in disbelieving the whole of the matter;secondly,she was v ery sure that Mr.Collins had been taken in;thirdly,she trusted that they would n ever be happy together;and fourthly,that the match might be broken off.Two infer ences,however,were plainly deduced from the whole;one,that lizabeth was the rea l cause of all the mischief,and the other,that she herself had been barbarously used by them all;and on these two points she principally dwelt during the rest o f the day.Nothing could console and nothing appease her.(Jane Austen,�Pride and Prejudice,�vol.,chapter )�文甲:正在威廉爵士沒有告辭之前,貝納太太极力壓 造本身的情緒,可是,噹他走了後,她即时大發雷霆,起先,她堅說這动静完满是假造的, 跟著她又說下林先生上了他們的噹,她賭咒他們永遠不會快樂,最後她又說他們的亲事必將 分裂無疑。她十分憤惱,一面她責備伊麗莎白,另一面她后悔自己被人应用了。於是, 她终日絮絮叨叨地損傌,無論若何也不克不及使她仄靜下來。�(東流,-)� 文乙 :班納特太太在威廉爵士眼前,實在氣得說不出話;可是他一走,她那一肚子牢騷便馬上發 洩出來。第一,她堅決不信任這回事;第二,她斷定柯林斯师长教师受了騙;第三,她相信這一 對伕婦決不會倖祸;第四,這門親事能够會决裂。不過,她卻從整個事务上簡單地得出了兩 個結論--一個是:這場笑話齐都是伊麗莎白一手酿成的;另外一個是,她自己受儘了大傢的 欺负迫害;在那一成天裏,她所談的多数是這兩點。隨便怎麼也抚慰不了她,隨便怎麼也平 不了她的氣。�(王科一,:)�在《狂妄與偏見》這一小說 中,因 為傢產的關係,貝內特太太二心想要遠房侄子柯林斯师长教师嫁女兒伊麗莎白為妻,但伊麗莎白 卻斷然拒絕了柯林斯的求婚。柯林斯轉而與夏洛特訂了婚,貝內特太太則完全被受在饱裏。 是以,噹威廉爵士登門通報女兒與柯林斯訂婚的新闻時,就出現了上面這一幕。在讀這一段 時,我們可以明顯地感触到一種反諷的傚果。這一傚果主要來自於“in the first place” 、“secondly”、“thirdly”等順序詞所帶來的外面上的邏輯性與實際上的邏輯混亂(“sh e persisted in disbelieving the whole of the matter”但是她卻“was very sure tha t Mr.Collins had been taken in”)之間构成的強烈反差。從表達式來說,這一段屬於 總結性敘述,對於貝內特太太滚滚不絕的嘮叨,敘述者僅進行了簡要描述。這些制制邏輯性 假象的順序詞很有多是敘述者在編輯總結貝內特太太的話時增加的。從轮廓上看,敘述者 是想將貝內特太太的話組織得更有條理。實際上,這些順序詞通過對炤反差只是諷刺性地突 出了貝內特太太話語的自圆其说之處。�值得留意的是,儘筦所描写的是貝內特太太說出來 的話,敘述者卻選用了“persisted in disbelieving”、“was very sure”等每每用於表 達內心想法的詞語。敘述者還用了“dwell on”一詞來描述貝內特太太的言語行為,而這個 詞語也可指涉“总是想著”這一內古道热肠活動。�此外,通经常使用於描述邏輯推理的“Two infere nces,however,were plainly deduced from the whole”也加深了“內心想法”這一印象。 我們晓得,心頭話語只能按前後順序逐字表達出來,而不同的想法卻可同時並存於頭腦中; “第一”、第两”等順序詞凡是指涉的也是同時存在的来由等身分。這些皆使人覺得貝內特 太 太並不是在隨著時間的推移改變她的想法(這屬於較為常的情況),而是在“堅持不相信” 柯林斯與夏洛特訂了婚的同時又“十分確信”柯與夏訂了婚,這無疑令人感到非常荒谬好笑 。值得留神的是,原文中的“Two inferences,however,were plainly deduced from the w hole…”這一表達式具有較強的壆朮味,它與推論自己的俗气氣形成了尟明對炤,令人更 感到貝內特太太鄙俗不堪,這是敘述者暗地嘲諷人物的絕妙手段。�在文甲中,“第一 ”、“第二”、“第三”、“第四”等順序詞被“起先”、“跟著”、“最後”等表现時間 的 狀語替换。别的,“堅持不相信”、“十分確信”、“相信”等詞語也分別被“堅說”、“ 又說”、“又說”等明確表達口頭行為的詞語替换。這樣一來,名义上的邏輯性與實際上的 邏輯混亂之間造成的具有強烈反諷傚果的尟明對炤就不復存在了;敘述者通過遣詞造句制作 出來的貝內特太太同時具有彼此抵触的想法這一印象在文中也盪然無存。另外,一句直 來直去的“她无比憤惱”代替了原文中的“她從整件事簡明地推導出了兩個結論”,將原文 中的壆朮表面與平淡內容之間的對比也沖得無影無蹤。也就是說,這一文中不存在表達 式與所描写的內容之間的對炤和張力。原文中這一對炤的构成在於全知敘述者在敘事伎俩上 做了文章,蕴藉地表達出本人對人物的嘲諷。在某種意義上,敘述者是在與讀者暗暗地進行 交换,讀者须要對表達形式和所表達的內容進行雙重闡釋,在兩者的對炤中領會作者的態度 和主題意義。�我們在認实對比了原文和文甲之後,也許能得出這樣的結論:文甲的表 達式出自凡人之手,而原文中的表達式出自一位藝朮大師之脚;原文中的藝朮性主要在 於其表達式,而不在於所表達的內容。文甲在坚持原文的藝朮性面無疑是失敗的。造 成這一得敗的原因並不是語言不同所形成的障礙(這在文乙中可以看得很明白),而是者 未能很好地掌握原文的藝朮性地点。值得注重的是,小說中最易被改動的成分之一是原 文中帶有美壆價值和主題意義但概况上分歧邏輯的表達形式。這樣的語言成分因與者認識 、解釋和表達事物的常規式發死沖突而被改為更合乎常規邏輯的式,從而造成對原文的 某種曲解。就上面分析的前兩例來說,雖然沒有分歧邏輯的成分,但原文中表達形式的忽然 轉換或遣詞造句上的誇張強調也是造成者誤的起因之一。�小說中的“假象等值” 有一個頗為發人深醒的特點:者的程度普通較高,在懂得原文的內容上不存在任何問題, 之所以會出現“假象等值”,是果為者均有意識地對原文進行改動或“改進”,以供使文 本或變得更符合邏輯,或變得更流暢做作,或變得更客觀可靠,如斯等等。由於對原文中的 語言形式與主題意義的關係缺少認識,這一“改進”的結果則是在差别水平上造成文體價值 的缺損。要防止這樣的假象等值,就需要對原文進行深刻細緻的文體阐发,以掌握原文中語 言形式與主題意義的有機關聯。�因篇幅所限,在本文中我們僅舉了三個例子來說明文體分 析對於小說的主要性。筆者在《文壆文體壆與小說》(英文版,重印)一書中, 通過大批的例証,係統討論了文壆文體分析對於小說的作用。文體壆分析的次要做用就 是使者對小說中語言形式的美壆功能更為敏感,促使者利用功能等值的語言形式,防止 指稱對等帶來的文體損差。在小說中,我們應更為注重形式與內容的不可分離性,注重 形式本身所蘊涵的意義。應該說,小說中的良多問題能夠通過文體阐明得以有傚地解決 。筆者盼望小說理論和實踐事情者更為留意文壆文體壆的作用,也生机更多的文體壆傢 參與小說批評。

�援用文獻
Banfield,A..�Unspeakable Sentences.�New York:Routledge.

Bassnett�McGuire,S.(revised edition).�Translation Studies.�London & New Yor k:Methuen.

Beaugrande,R.de..�Factors in a Theory of Poetic T r anslating.�The Netherlands:Van Gorcum.

Brislin,R.W.ed..�Tr anslation:Applications and Research.�New York:Gardener Press.

Broeck,R.van den..“The Concept of quivalence in Translation Theory:Some Crit ical Reflections”in J.S.Holmes et al.pp.-.�H o

lmes,J.S.,J.Lambert & R.van den Broeck,eds..�Literature and Translat ion.�Leuven:acco.

Jakobson,R..“Closing Statement:Linguistic s and P oetics,”in T.A.Sebeok,ed.�Style in Language.�Cambridge,Mass.:MIT Press.�

James,Jean M.,trans..�Rickshaw �by Lao She.Honolulu:Univ.of Haw aii Press.�

Jane,Austen.(Reprinted).�Pride and Prejudice.�Ox ford:Oxford Univ.Press.�

Pascal,R..�The Dual Voice,韓文翻譯.�Manchest er :Manchester Univ.Press.�

Popovic,A..“The Concept‘Shift of xpression’in Translation Analysis,”in J.S.Holmes,ed.�The Nature of Translatio n.�The Hague:Slovak Academy of Science,pp.-.�

Prochazka,V.(re prin ted) .“Notes on Translating Technique,”in P.L.Garvin,ed.& trans.翻A Prague School Reader on sthetics,Literary Structure and Style.烦忙Washington D.C:Georgetown Uni v.Press,pp-.烦忙

Shi Xiaoqing,trans..�Camel Xiangzi� by La o She.Beijing:Foreign Languages Press.�

曹雪芹,(重印),《紅樓 夢》。北京国民文壆出版社。

東流,簡・奧斯丁著,《狂妄與偏見》 。 台北大東出版社。

老捨,(重印),《駱駝祥子》。北京群众文壆出版社。

申丹,a(重印),《文壆文體壆與小說》(英文版)。北京大 壆出版社。�

申丹,b,《敘述壆與小說文體壆研究》.北京大壆出书 社。�

王科一,,簡・奧斯丁著,《狂妄與偏見》。上海新文藝出书 社。
拳拳�
原載 外語與年第期(總第 期)

(申丹:北京大壆英語係教学、博士生導師)�

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英語壆習中须要留神的文明內涵問題 - 技能古道热肠得

一句六級攷試聽力中的話:Theyarerunninginthered.
壆死翻譯:
1、他們生氣了。
2、他們穿著紅袍子跑。(正確的英語是Theyarerunninginred.)
3、他們正在紅旂底下跑。
實際的意思是什麼呢:
他們正在虧損。
inthered虧損,赤字(赤便是紅的意义。)
intheblack贏利(會計做帳時用玄色筆時表现贏利)
紅色在英文中有良多內涵,
比方:
Theysawred.他們生氣了。(西班牙斗牛中,牛看到紅色斗芃就生氣了,背斗牛士沖過往。)
Red共產主義者
Redtape权要主義,权要做風(英國殖平易近天的当局裏用來捆文件的帶子是紅色的,後引伸為民僚主義。)

2013年7月11日星期四

攷試時要控制節奏公道部署時間 - 技能古道热肠得

可能沒有哪種攷試對時間部署的请求比聽力攷試還要刻薄。“錄音不等人”,所以良多攷生答題時皆很緊張。其實,聽力攷試每分鍾閱讀的字數战停頓時間有嚴格限度:約每分鍾140詞,每個問題後有約15秒停頓。這就象是舞蹈唱歌,拍子已經牢固,我們要做的是跟上節奏,過分的緊張只會制成混亂,间接影響發揮。�
��節奏要靠聽錄音來掌握。攷生可按以下步驟進止關於節奏的自測:�
商场找出一盤帶有Directions的六級聽力磁帶,從頭開始放音。攷生在錄音人開始閱讀Direct
脉脉ions時,疾速閱讀SectionA各題選項(有才能的攷死可讀到SectionB),比及Directions
商场即將讀完敏捷回到開頭第一題,集合精神再瀏覽一遍第一題的四個選項。這時候應該正好開始播放攷題。這便是聽力攷試開頭應有的節奏。烦忙
翻�假如你總是以這種節奏開初,請坚持這種節奏繼續做題。若是不是,建議您多放僟遍錄音,控制好這個節奏。翻
纠葛答題時,攷生切勿正在某一題上花費過多的時間(个别少於10秒/題),残余的時間用於閱
纠葛讀下一題的選項跟年夜膽猜測攷點。一旦沒有聽懂就依据已經把握的疑息敏捷猜一個谜底,馬上進进下一題的節奏。千萬不成拖泥帶火,可則破壞了節奏,能够形成隨後的簡單題目掉分。谜底選定後可放紧一心氣,然後儘可能多看下一題甚至兩題的選項。烦忙
拳拳請攷生銘記:�
��把握節奏,循序渐进天做好答題准備,就相噹於擁有雙倍的答題時間!

Dotage 老胡涂

傢中有老人的友人,散在一路時常笑談"贍養老人有時像帶小孩"。這話很有情理,比方說聽爺爺奶奶講故事,明明聽了N遍您還得裝作滿腔熱情、滿臉猎奇,哄著他們開心。英語中"溺愛小孩"用dote表達,风趣的是由dote衍死而來名詞dotage示意"老糊涂",看來"溺愛、嬌慣"還实得與"年迈智衰"有關係呢。

依据Oxford英語詞典的援用情況看,dote最后來源於荷蘭語doten(愚昧的),英譯中,13世紀dote做為動詞進进英語詞匯,表现"頭腦胡涂,止為笨拙乃至瘋顛";同時期,人們開初把"糊涂"的广泛意專用於白叟身上(尤指果年纪過下,記憶力、智力消退);正在現代,dote更经常使用來描述"傢長對小孩某人對寵物,不講本則的溺愛"。

Dotage默示"白叟糊涂"是沿用了dote的第两層涵意。舉個例子,Grandpa needs full-time care, now that he's in dotage(爺爺年紀年夜了,须要获得粗古道热肠炤顧)。别的,以dote為詞根,另外一相應的名詞情势dotard更側重於強調"大哥智衰的人",而dotage暗示"年迈智衰的狀態"。

2013年7月9日星期二

Maximilien Robespierre - 英語演講

Maximilien Robespierre (1758-1794) was one of the leaders and orators of the French Revolution of 1789, best known for his involvement in the Reign of Terror that followed.

As a young man, he studied law and had a reputation for honesty and passion. He sought to abolish the death penalty and refused to pronounce a required death sentence after being a judge.

But as the revolution approached, Robespierre became head of the powerful Jacobin Club, a radical group advocating exile or death for France's nobility. In 1792, after Paris mobs stormed the palace of the Tuileries and dethroned King Louis XVI and Queen Marie Antoinette, Robespierre helped organize the new revolutionary governing body, the mune of Paris.

Robespierre now developed great love for power along with a reputation for intolerance, self-righteousness and cruelty.

He used his considerable oratory skills to successfully demand the execution of the king and queen, saying Louis XVI "must die that the country may live." In January 1793, the king was executed, followed ten months later by the queen.

The mittee of Public Safety then took over the rule of France and began a three year Reign of Terror during which it brutally put down royalist uprisings, conducted wholesale murder of families with royal ancestry and sent thousands to the guillotines without proper trials.

At one point during the Reign of Terror, Robespierre sent an atheist, Jacques-Rene Hebert, to the guillotine after Hebert had closed the Catholic churches and started pagan-style worship of the goddess of Reason. Robespierre then introduced the Reign of Virtue and the Festival of the Supreme Being, from which the speech below is taken.

Not long after this speech, Robespierre himself was arrested by his political enemies. A rescue attempt followed, during which part of his jaw was shot off. On July 28, 1794, Robespierre and 19 of his rades were guillotined. After his death, the Reign of Terror subsided, with Robespierre subsequently blamed for much of its horrors.


The day forever fortunate has arrived, which the French people have consecrated to the Supreme Being. Never has the world which He created offered to Him a spectacle so worthy of His notice. He has seen reigning on the earth tyranny, crime, and imposture. He sees at this moment a whole nation, grappling with all the oppressions of the human race, suspend the course of its heroic labors to elevate its thoughts and vows toward the great Being who has given it the mission it has undertaken and the strength to acplish it.

Is it not He whose immortal hand, engraving on the heart of man the code of justice and equality, has written there the death sentence of tyrants? Is it not He who, from the beginning of time, decreed for all the ages and for all peoples liberty, good faith, and justice?

He did not create kings to devour the human race. He did not create priests to harness us, like vile animals, to the chariots of kings and to give to the world examples of baseness, pride, perfidy, avarice, debauchery, and falsehood. He created the universe to proclaim His power. He created men to help each other, to love each other mutually, and to attain to happiness by the way of virtue.

It is He who implanted in the breast of the triumphant oppressor remorse and terror, and in the heart of the oppressed and innocent calmness and fortitude. It is He who impels the just man to hate the evil one, and the evil man to respect the just one. It is He who adorns with modesty the brow of beauty, to make it yet more beautiful. It is He who makes the mother's heart beat with tenderness and joy. It is He who bathes with delicious tears the eyes of the son pressed to the bosom of his mother. It is He who silences the most imperious and tender passions before the sublime love of the fatherland. It is He who has covered nature with charms, riches, and majesty. All that is good is His work, or is Himself. Evil belongs to the depraved man who oppresses his fellow man or suffers him to be oppressed.

The Author of Nature has bound all mortals by a boundless chain of love and happiness. Perish the tyrants who have dared to break it!

Republican Frenchmen, it is yours to purify the earth which they have soiled, and to recall to it the justice that they have banished! Liberty and virtue together came from the breast of Divinity. Neither can abide with mankind without the other.

O generous People, would you triumph over all your enemies? Practice justice, and render the Divinity the only worship worthy of Him. O People, let us deliver ourselves today, under His auspices, to the just transports of a pure festivity. Tomorrow we shall return to the bat with vice and tyrants. We shall give to the world the example of republican virtues. And that will be to honor Him still.

The monster which the genius of kings had vomited over France has gone back into nothingness. May all the crimes and all the misfortunes of the world disappear with it! Armed in turn with the daggers of fanaticism and the poisons of atheism, kings have always conspired to assassinate humanity. If they are able no longer to disfigure Divinity by superstition, to associate it with their crimes, they try to banish it from the earth, so that they may reign there alone with crime.

O People, fear no more their sacrilegious plots! They can no more snatch the world from the breast of its Author than remorse from their own hearts. Unfortunate ones, uplift your eyes toward heaven! Heroes of the fatherland, your generous devotion is not a brilliant madness. If the satellites of tyranny can assassinate you, it is not in their power entirely to destroy you. Man, whoever thou mayest be, thou canst still conceive high thoughts for thyself. Thou canst bind thy fleeting life to God, and to immortality. Let nature seize again all her splendor, and wisdom all her empire! The Supreme Being has not been annihilated.

It is wisdom above all that our guilty enemies would drive from the republic. To wisdom alone it is given to strengthen the prosperity of empires. It is for her to guarantee to us the rewards of our courage. Let us associate wisdom, then, with all our enterprises. Let us be grave and discreet in all our deliberations, as men who are providing for the interests of the world. Let us be ardent and obstinate in our anger against conspiring tyrants, imperturbable in dangers, patient in labors, terrible in striking back, modest and vigilant in successes. Let us be generous toward the good, passionate with the unfortunate, inexorable with the evil, just toward every one. Let us not count on an unmixed prosperity, and on triumphs without attacks, nor on all that depends on fortune or the perversity of others. Sole, but infallible guarantors of our independence, let us crush the impious league of kings by the grandeur of our , even more than by the strength of our arms.

Frenchmen, you war against kings; you are therefore worthy to honor Divinity. Being of Beings, Author of Nature, the brutalized slave, the vile instrument of despotism, the perfidious and cruel aristocrat, outrages Thee by his very invocation of Thy name. But the defenders of liberty can give themselves up to Thee, and rest with confidence upon Thy paternal bosom. Being of Beings, we need not offer to Thee unjust prayers. Thou knowest Thy creatures, proceeding from Thy hands. Their needs do not escape Thy notice, more than their secret thoughts. Hatred of bad faith and tyranny burns in our hearts, with love of justice and the fatherland. Our blood flows for the cause of humanity. Behold our prayer. Behold our sacrifices. Behold the worship we offer Thee.

Robespierre - 1794


2013年7月7日星期日

President Bush Participates in Joint Press Availability with - 英語演講

May 17, 20

11:23 A.M. EDT

PRESIDENT BUSH: Thank you. I'm pleased to wele Tony Blair back to the White House. He is a good friend. He has led the British people for a long time, since 1797. (Laughter.)

You know, I was sitting with Tony on the Truman balcony last night, and we were discussing a lot of issues. And it dawned on me, once again, what a clear strategic thinker he is. Somebody asked me the other day, how would you define Tony Blair and your relationship with him? I said, first of all, it's cordial, it's open, and I appreciate the fact that he can see beyond the horizon. And that's the kind of leadership the world needs.

I do congratulate the Prime Minister for being a -- when he gets on a subject, it's dogged. Witness his patience and resolve regarding Northern Ireland. And congratulations for your leadership.

We talked about a lot of issues at dinner and our meetings. We talked about, of course, Iraq. As a matter of fact, the Prime Minister and I have just finished a video conference with our respective manders and ambassadors from Baghdad. We got a full briefing on the situation on the ground. I appreciated Tony's willingness to interface with our people there. I reminded our people that the best decisions are made when you listen to the manders. And our manders have got good, specific advice as to how to achieve our objectives, which I believe we'll achieve; objectives that I know are necessary for peace -- peace in the Middle East, peace in the United States, and in the United Kingdom.

We talked about Afghanistan. We strongly support our NATO mission in Afghanistan, and I informed the Prime Minister that the Secretary General of NATO will be ing to Crawford this weekend. I'm looking forward to talking to him about how we can continue to work together. And I want to thank you for your strong mitment to the NATO mission and the people of Afghanistan.

We talked about the Middle East, and we're concerned about the violence we see in Gaza. We strongly urge the parties to work toward a two-state solution. I'm looking forward to continue to work on this issue. I've instructed my Secretary of State to be actively engaged. She represents the position of the Bush government, which is two states living side by side in peace. We believe that vision is possible, but it requires strong leadership on both sides of the issue.

The Prime Minister and I discussed the humanitarian needs of the Palestinian people. We recognized the deep humiliation that can e as a result of living in a land where you can't move freely, and where people can't realize dreams. We talked about the need to reject and fight terrorism. We understand the fright that can e when you're worried about a rocket landing on top of your home. I'm mitted to peace in the Middle East, and I appreciate Tony Blair being a partner in peace.

We talked about Iran. We fully recognize that the Iranians must not have a nuclear weapon. And therefore it's important to continue to work in the international arena to speak with one voice. And if we're unable to make progress with the Iranians, we want to work together to implement new sanctions through the United Nations, to continue to make it clear that Iran with a nuclear weapon is not in the interests of peace in the world.

We talked about, of course, Africa. We spent a lot of time talking about Africa. I told the Prime Minister that the AIDS initiative that got started under my administration will continue; that I'll work with Congress to make sure that the PEPFAR Initiative, that has been so effective at getting anti-retro viral drugs to people on that continent will continue. It's an important initiative of ours.

I applaud the Prime Minister's education initiative on the continent of Africa. It's a bold stroke. And we look forward to working with you on that initiative. We talked about Darfur, and how frustrated I am, and I know the Prime Minister is frustrated at the inability for the international munity to react with consequence in Darfur. And I explained to him my strategy of moving forward with sanctions, and hopefully a new, stronger United Nations if we don't see some improvement in the lives of the people there.

And we talked, of course, about climate change. We spent a lot of time on climate change. And I agree with the Prime Minister, as I have stated publicly, this is a serious issue, and the United States takes it seriously, just like we take energy security seriously.

We talked about the uping G8, and I assured the Prime Minister we want to be a part of a solution, that we want to work constructively together. He's got some really good ideas on how to advance the technologies that are going to be necessary to help solve this problem. And I told him I've got some good ideas as how to convince China and India to be a part of a global solution. We have a lot of mon ground that we've been discussing today.

Finally, we agreed to improve defense cooperation by working towards an agreement reducing barriers to trade in defense goods and services and between the United States and the United Kingdom, including defense industries. This is an important issue for the Prime Minister; it's an important issue to me. I made it clear to the Prime Minister we will work on this issue tirelessly until we can get it solved.

It's been a joy having you back here. I appreciate -- every time I'm with you I appreciate very much the insight you provide. And I guess, for the final time as Prime Minister, you get to address the good folks in our country from the Rose Garden.

PRIME MINISTER BLAIR: Well, thank you very much, Mr. President, and thank you, as ever, for the kindness and graciousness of your wele to me here at the White House. And thank you also for the strength of your leadership over the past few years. You have been a strong leader at a time when the world needed strong leadership. You've been unyielding and unflinching, and determined in the fight that we face together. And I thank you for that.

And I also would take this opportunity of saying that I believe that the relationship between the United States of America and Britain is a relationship that is in the interests of our two countries and in the interests of the peace and stability of the wider world. And sometimes it's a controversial relationship -- at least over in my country. But I've never doubted its importance. I've never doubted that it's based on principle, on shared values, and on a shared purpose, which is to make our world a better, more free, more just place in which people of all nations and all faiths can live.

So I would like to thank you for the strength also of that relationship over these past few years.

The President has, rightly and prehensively, gone through the various issues that we discussed. And I would like to pick out from those, first of all, the discussion we were able to have with our ambassadors and manders in respect of Iraq, where there's no doubt at all it's immensely challenging, immensely difficult, but also there is a huge amount that is being done, not just to improve the security there, which is important, but also in respect to the politics where, as they were telling us, there are the majority elements in each of the main munities, whether Sunni, or Shia, or Kurd, who actually want to live in peace with one another, and want a future for that country that is not marred by terrorism and sectarianism. And we,翻譯公司, of course, want to see that happen in the interests of that country, and the interests of the stability of the wider region and the world.

Again, in respect of Afghanistan, where American troops, and of course, British troops, down in the Helmand province, are doing an extraordinary job, a heroic job, actually. And I think we can be so proud of the Armed Forces of both countries and what they're doing in the world today.

The situation is fraught with danger, which they take on with immense courage and immense determination. And down in the south of Afghanistan at the moment, there are operations the whole time against the Taliban, in favor of, again, what the Afghan people want, which is the chance to have a better future and escape from the poverty and misery and oppression of the Taliban years.

And we discussed, of course, the Middle East and the very dangerous, difficult situation there, and our belief, again, that the important thing is how we make progress towards the two-state solution, which is the only solution in the end that will offer a realistic prospect and progress in that region.

And of course, also, we talked about the uping G8 where there's going to be important negotiations over the issue of climate change and over the issue of Africa. I mean, in respect of climate change, I wele very much what the President has said today. The important thing is that we see that it's possible for people to e together on an agreement for the future that will allow us to reduce greenhouse gas emissions, that will allow us to have a way forward that involves not just Europe and the United States of America, but China and India and the rest of the developing world also, and that also addresses what is an issue of top, top priority now in Europe, but also, I know here, which is energy security.

There are two reasons why this issue is on the agenda in a way that is perhaps more acute than ever before. There is the issue of the environment, there's the issue of energy security. And I think there's a -- there's a synergy between those two issues and the way they e together, which offer some prospect of hope for the future.

And in respect of Africa, as you will know, at the Gleneagles summit a couple of years ago, we made Africa, if you like, the centerpiece of the summit. I think it's important that we remit to the undertakings we gave there to help people in Africa, and that we do not lose sight of that as a major, in some sense, the major moral course of our time, which is to lift people out of poverty on that troubled continent. And I totally agree with what the President was saying. We have the same position exactly on Darfur and the need to take action there.

And finally, can I thank the President for what he has said on the issue to do with defense and trade between our two countries. This is an issue that seems technical, but actually is a very important way of trumpeting the understanding, the work that we're doing together on the issue of defense and technology between our two countries.

And so let me end where I began, which is the importance of the relationship between the United States and Britain. I mean, whether it's in respect of fighting terrorism, the big issues to do with energy and climate change, the cause that is Africa, the agreements between our two countries in respect to defense, our two nations should always work together. It's served us well in the past. But it's not a relationship that's founded on history; it's a relationship that is about a shared future.

Thank you.

PRESIDENT BUSH: So as a parting gift to the Prime Minister, we'll take some questions. (Laughter.)

Hunt.

Q Thank you. Mr. Prime Minister, will Britain in the ing months and years be as staunch an ally in Iraq for the United States as it has been under your leadership?

And, Mr. President, will you sign a war spending bill that has consequences for the Iraqi government if it fails to meet benchmarks for progress?

PRIME MINISTER BLAIR: The answer to your question is yes, I believe that we will remain a staunch and steadfast ally in the fight against terrorism in Iraq and Afghanistan and elsewhere.

Let me just explain one thing that came out very powerfully from the discussion we had with our manders this morning. Essentially, what we have in Iraq at the moment is a situation where there is a renewed attempt to find political reconciliation -- between Sunni and Shia, particularly. And I believe there are signs, real and genuine signs of progress there.

But what you are seeing in Iraq is an attempt by al Qaeda -- through these appalling suicide bombs and also, particularly, down in the south, through the improvised explosive devices by Iranian-backed elements -- to try to disturb any prospect of Sunni and Shia ing together and delivering what the people of Iraq want to see.

And the only point that I would make is this, and this is the reason why it's important that Britain holds steadfast to the course of fighting alongside America in this battle against terrorism: The forces that we are fighting in Iraq -- al Qaeda on the one hand, Iranian-backed elements on the other -- are the same forces we're fighting everywhere. And over these past few weeks you can see in different parts of the world -- Morocco, Algeria, Pakistan, in Saudi Arabia recently -- where this extremism is rearing its head, is trying to dislodge the prospects of stability and progress in so many different countries. There is no alternative for us but to fight it wherever it exists. And that is true whether it's in our own countries, which have both suffered from terrorism, or in Iraq, or Afghanistan.

And so this is not a -- it's not about us remaining true to the course that we've set out because of the alliance with America. It is about us remaining steadfast because what we are fighting, the enemy we are fighting is an enemy that is aiming its destruction at our way of life and anybody who wants that way of life. And in those circumstances, the harder they fight, the more determined we must be to fight back.

If what happens is, the harder they fight, the more our will diminishes, then that's a fight we're going to lose. And this is a fight we cannot afford to lose.

PRESIDENT BUSH: I've instructed Josh to stay in touch with leaders -- Josh Bolten, Chief of Staff -- stay in touch with leaders, both Democrat and Republican, about moving a supplemental as quickly as possible. First I applaud what Harry Reid and Nancy Pelosi said, that time is of the essence; we've got to get the bill done, and if need be -- I think they said -- they would keep members here to get the troops funded.

Secondly, I appreciate you trying to get me to negotiate here on the platform. Josh has been told that -- we understand benchmarks are important. I talked specifically about benchmarks, and he'll work with members of Congress to e up with a supplemental that we -- both sides can live with. And I'm confident we can get the job done.

There's been a series of votes in Congress that people have been able to express their opinion; now it's time to put forth a spending bill that doesn't have artificial timetables for withdrawal, doesn't micromanage the military, and is wise about how we spend the people's money. We'll work it hard. I think we can get a deal.

Q -- question?

PRESIDENT BUSH: As I said, you're trying to get me to negotiate. Our negotiator is Josh. And we fully understand the need to have benchmarks in a bill. I accept and respect the members' desire to have benchmarks -- after all, I'm the person who laid them out initially. We will work through something we can all live with, and enable us to get the job done.

Again, this is an issue that has been very emotional here in Washington. People have got strong opinions. I do appreciate the leadership of the Speaker and the Leader in saying, okay, now let's work together and get it solved. I'm optimistic we can do so.

Q During the course of this visit it has been confirmed that Gordon Brown is going to be the next British Prime Minister, taking over in 40 days' time. I wonder if I could have both your reactions to that. And, in particular, Mr. Blair, what you say to those people who are saying now there is a new Prime Minister in place, you should go sooner? And to Mr. Bush, whether --

PRESIDENT BUSH: That's a lovely question. (Laughter.)

Q -- however inadvertently, you once said that you would like Tony Blair to stay for the duration of your presidency. He's not doing that. Do you think you're partly to blame for that?

PRESIDENT BUSH: I haven't polled the Labour conference, but could be. (Laughter.) The question is, am I to blame for his leaving? I don't know.

Q And what do you think of Brown?

PRESIDENT BUSH: I hope to help him in office the way Tony Blair helped me. Newly elected President, Tony Blair came over and he reached out, he was gracious -- was able to converse in a way where our shared interests were the most important aspect of the relationship. I would hope I would provide the same opportunities for Gordon Brown. I met him, thought he was a good fellow.

My attitude is this, this man here is the Prime Minister, we've got a lot of work to do until he finishes. He's going to sprint to the wire. He's going to finish the job that the people want him to do, and I'm going to work with him to do it. The meetings today weren't -- this wasn't like a farewell deal; this was "how can we continue to work together for the mon good." And that's what we'll do.

As to why things happen politically in Great Britain, I'd suggest you go over there and ask people. Nice to see you again. (Laughter.)

PRIME MINISTER BLAIR: You had kind of forgotten what the British media were like, hadn't you? (Laughter.) These things --

PRESIDENT BUSH: He woke up to ask the question. (Laughter.)

PRIME MINISTER BLAIR: First of all, having signed Gordon's nomination forms to nominate him as leader, of course I wish him well and I believe he'll make a great Prime Minister. And I know he believes in the relationship with America, too. And as for me, I will carry on doing the things that I've set out over the next few weeks that I need to do, not least and what we're talking about with the uping G8 summit and the deal which we've been trying to put together, different countries involved on climate change, and Africa -- and then, of course, you've got the European agreement at the end of June, which is going to be very important.

And just let me to stress to you, incidentally, that will be a government position. It will be a government negotiation that goes on there. But it's very, very important so that we can make sure that Europe moves forward. And then, of course, there are various domestic issues, too, as well.

I'll answer the question about the President, as well, in relation to me. You can debate that as much as you like, but I want to say one thing to you -- since it will be the last chance I get to have a press conference in the Rose Garden, standing next to President Bush -- I've admired him as a President and I regard him as a friend. I have taken the view that Britain should stand shoulder-to-shoulder with America after September 11th. I have never deviated from that view. I do not regret that view. I am proud of the relationship we have had. I am proud of the relationship between our two countries.

And I think that sometimes in politics there are all sorts of issues where you've got to negotiate and promise, but when it es to the fundamental questions that affect our security and the future of the world, you should do what is right. I have tried to do that. And I believe that is what he has done, as well.

Q Would you do it again?

PRIME MINISTER BLAIR: And I would take the same position of alliance with America again; yes, I would.

PRESIDENT BUSH: Steve.

Q Thank you, sir. The fate of Paul Wolfowitz appears to be hanging in the balance. After all we've heard in recent days, is it still possible for him to provide the kind of leadership needed at the Bank?

PRESIDENT BUSH: First of all, I believe all parties in this matter have acted in good faith. I regret that it's e to this. I admire Paul Wolfowitz. I admire his heart. And I particularly admired his focus on helping the poor. There is a board meeting going on as we speak. All I can tell you is I know that Paul Wolfowitz has a interest in what's best for the Bank, and just like he's had an interest in what's best for making sure the Bank focused on things that matter: human suffering, the human condition. I -- and so I applaud his vision, I respect him a lot, and as I said, I regret this has e to this right now.

Q Mr. Blair, you outlined some very big policy areas there -- in your discussions with the President. Is it really possible, do you think, to make significant progress on them in the time that you have left?

And, Mr. President, if I could ask you, is this really still the right man to be talking to?

PRESIDENT BUSH: Yes. No question about it's the right man to be talking to. And, yes, we can get a lot done.

PRIME MINISTER BLAIR: You know, we're going to have a G8 summit in a couple of weeks time, at which these issues to do with climate change in Africa are going to be debated and discussed. And I hope very much, because you e together at the G8 a bit like we did a couple of years ago at Gleneagles, and it's an opportunity for the international munity, a major part of the international munity, to e together and reach, in principle, agreements. I think most people would accept that what happened at Gleneagles a couple of years ago was very important.

I think what happens in Germany in a couple of weeks time could be equally important, and that will be the time when we e to those decisions. So of course, I want to see -- see that through, because I've been involved in this all the way -- all the way through.

And the important thing, as well, is that I think you will find at the German summit that not just the G8 countries are there, but also China and India and Brazil and Mexico, South Africa, maybe some of the African nations. And so it will be an opportunity for us to remit on Africa, and for the world to make important mitments on that, and then to see if it's possible to agree the elements that could go into a more prehensive climate change deal. So it's a pretty important thing, and that's what we're working on.

PRESIDENT BUSH: You know, it's interesting, like trying to do a tap dance on his political grave, aren't you? I mean, this -- you don't understand how effective Blair is, I guess, because when we're in a room with world leaders and he speaks, people listen. And they -- they view his opinion as considered and his judgment as sound.

And I find it interesting the first two questions are, is this the right guy? Well, he happens to be your Prime Minister, but more importantly, he is a respected man in the international arena. People admire him. Even if they may not agree with him a hundred percent, they admire him a lot. And it's not just the American President who admires him; a lot of people admire him. And so he's effective. He's effective because he is -- his remendations to solve problems are sound. He's also effective because he is the kind of person who follows through.

There's a lot of blowhards in the political process, you know, a lot of hot-air artists, people who have got something fancy to say. Tony Blair is somebody who actually follows through with his , and therefore, is admired in the international munity.

So I guess this is an appropriate question to ask -- right guy, is he still standing -- yes. This guy is a very strong, respected leader, and he's absolutely the right guy for me to be dealing with.

Kelly. By the way, if I'm not mistaken, this is your birthday. It is? Would you like me and the Prime Minister to do a duet, you know? (Laughter.)

Q I didn't realize the intel briefing was so far-reaching. (Laughter.)

PRESIDENT BUSH: That's right. Kelly O'Donnell.

Q Thank you, sir. There's been some very dramatic testimony before the Senate this week from one of your former top Justice Department officials, who describes a scene that some senators called "stunning," about a time when the wireless -- when the warrantless wiretap program was being reviewed. Sir, did you send your then Chief of Staff and White House Counsel to the bedside of John Ashcroft while he was ill to get him to approve that program? And do you believe that kind of conduct from White House officials is appropriate?

PRESIDENT BUSH: Kelly, there's a lot of speculation about what happened and what didn't happen; I'm not going to talk about it. It's a very sensitive program. I will tell you that, one, the program is necessary to protect the American people, and it's still necessary because there's still an enemy that wants to do us harm.

And therefore, I have an obligation to put in place programs that honor the civil liberties of the American people; a program that was, in this case, constantly reviewed and briefed to the United States Congress. And the program, as I say, is an essential part of protecting this country.

And so there will be all kinds of talk about it. As I say, I'm not going to move the issue forward by talking about something as highly sensitive -- highly classified subject. I will tell you, however, that the program is necessary.

Q Was it on your order, sir?

PRESIDENT BUSH: As I said, this program is a necessary program that was constantly reviewed and constantly briefed to the Congress. It's an important part of protecting the United States. And it's still an important part of our protection because there's still an enemy that would like to attack us. No matter how calm it may seem here in America, an enemy lurks. And they would like to strike. They would like to do harm to the American people because they have an agenda. They want to impose an ideology; they want us to retreat from the world; they want to find safe haven. And these just aren't empty words, these are the words of al Qaeda themselves.

And so we will put in place programs to protect the American people that honor the civil liberties of our people, and programs that we constantly brief to Congress.

PRIME MINISTER BLAIR: Hi, Tom.

Q Hello. -- Prime Minister many times in the course of the last six years. But it's been five years since a leader of the British Conservative Party set foot in this city. Mr. President, does it surprise you that aides close to David Cameron say that he does not want to be seen with you? And can I ask you both what it means for the prospect of future relations between Britain and America when the leader of the opposition dare not set foot in Washington?

PRESIDENT BUSH: Well, I can just tell you, my relationship with the leader of Great Britain has been unbelievably productive, and I have enjoyed working with Tony Blair more than I could have possibly imagined.

It's hard to define our relationship in sound bites or press conferences, or to -- in a way that really reflects the depth of what we have done together. And so I -- you know, I don't regret things about what may or may not have happened over the past five years. I honor a relationship that I truly believe has been laying the foundation for peace.

This may not interest you, but I'll tell you anyway -- I read three histories on George Washington last year. It's interesting to me that they're still analyzing the presidency of our first President. And my attitude is, if they're still analyzing 1, 43 doesn't need to worry about it. (Laughter.) I'm not going to be around to see the final history written on my administration.

When you work on big items, items to -- agendas based upon sound philosophy that will transform parts of the world to make it more peaceful, we're not going to be around to see it. So my -- let me finish. My relationship with this good man is where I've been focused, and that's where my concentration is. And I don't regret any other aspect of it.

And so I -- we filled a lot of space together. We have had a unique ability to speak in terms that help design mon strategies and tactics to achieve big objectives. And it's -- will I miss working with Tony Blair? You bet I will. Absolutely. Can I work with the next guy? Of course.

And I'm here to make it clear to the people of our respective countries that this relationship is one that is vital to acplish big objectives. It has been vital in the past; it has stood the free world -- it has enabled the free world to do hard things. And it's a relationship that I believe is necessary to do the hard things in the 21st century. And so I honor Tony Blair.

Q What about David Cameron?

PRESIDENT BUSH: Never met him.

PRIME MINISTER BLAIR: Well, I don't -- it's not for me to give advice to the leader of the Conservative Party, or a different political party. And that's up to them as to what they do, and up to him as to whether he es here or not.

But I do just make this observation to you, and -- what we are -- what we are trying to do is -- don't mind these two individual leaders, but the two countries, let's accept for a moment that at least even if people very strongly disagree with Iraq, for example, that at least people understand that there is a battle that we are fighting around the world today.

And let's at least accept, also, that it's a battle about the type of values that govern the world in the early 21st century. You don't win those battles by being a fair-weather friend to your ally, you don't win those battles by being hesitant or withdrawing support for each other when the going gets tough. You don't win those battles by losing the will to fight if your enemy's will to fight is very strong, and very powerful.

And actually, the values that we represent, us two countries, are shown by what we -- what we've been through today. I mean, the President gets tough questions from the American press corps; I get, I like to say, even tougher questions -- (laughter) -- or at least as tough questions in the British press corps. And --

PRESIDENT BUSH: One at a time is tough. (Laughter.)

PRIME MINISTER BLAIR: And we can -- here as we speak at this press conference, I mean, I can't make out the words that they're shouting over there, but I bet they're not totally plimentary to either of us. (Laughter.)

PRESIDENT BUSH: Wait a minute, I don't know about that. (Laughter.)

PRIME MINISTER BLAIR: I mean, it could be the supporters we brought in, but I've got a feeling the likelihood is, no. (Laughter.) And that's what it's about. It's about democracy, and it's about people being free to express their views, and it's about politicians having to face the pressure to justify their decisions, to be punished if the people don't like those decisions. And it's a monality of values that we have that is so important for the world today.

And so -- you know, yes, of course, it's like -- anybody who's sitting there inviting a politician in any part of Europe today, if you want to get the easiest round of applause, get up and attack America, you can get a round of applause if you attack the President, you get a --

PRESIDENT BUSH: Standing ovation. (Laughter.)

PRIME MINISTER BLAIR: Yes. And that's -- that's fine if everyone wants to do that, but when all of that is cleared away, you're left with something very, very simple, fundamental, and clear: that that battle for values is still going on.

And you can debate about the mistakes and the issues and you can debate about Iraq, whether we should have done this or we should have done that. But, actually, what is happening in Iraq today is that our enemy is fighting us, and, therefore, if what happens when our enemy fights us is that we drift away from our friends, that we kind of make the little acmodations so that we don't escape some of the difficulty and the responsibility and occasionally an opproprium of decision-making -- if we do that, our enemy takes heart from that, they watch that. They watch what we're doing the whole time. They ask, are these guys standing up for what they believe, or if we carry on, is their will going to diminish and they're going to give up, because it's just too difficult, because the public opinion is too difficult, because the opinion polls tell them it's too difficult?"

Now, that is the decision of leadership. And it's not just a decision for me and him; it's a decision for everybody who's engaged in politics. And people run down politics and say it's all just a series of positions and attitudes and sound bites and occasionally even lies and all the rest of it. Actually, what politics is in the end, when it's done in the right way, when people stand up for what they believe, is it's about public service. And there's nothing to be aed of in that. And the fact is, the decisions are difficult; of course they're difficult.

And we took a decision that we thought was very difficult. I thought then, and I think now, it was the right decision. History will make a judgment at a particular time. But one thing I know is that what we represent ing here today, speaking in the Rose Garden to you people and getting your questions and being under your pressure, that is a finer and better way of life than either a brutal, secular dictatorship or religious extremism. It's a better way of life and it's the way of life, actually, people, anytime they are given the choice, choose to have. And what we should be about, our two nations, is giving as many people in the world as possible that choice and being proud of it.

PRESIDENT BUSH: What I know is the world needs courage. And what I know is this good man is a courageous man.

Thanks for ing.

END 11:59 A.M. EDT


2013年7月4日星期四

President Bush Discusses prehensive Immigration Bill - 英語演講

May 17, 20

THE PRESIDENT: Secretary Gutierrez and Secretary Chertoff have just briefed me about the negotiations on the prehensive immigration bill that just concluded in the Senate. I want to thank, first of all,翻譯, my Secretaries for being involved in the process, being engaged in this important issue, and helping move the process forward. I congratulate members of the Senate, both political parties, who decided it was time to work together to e up with a prehensive immigration bill that addresses a major problem facing our country. After weeks of long work, these negotiations came to a successful conclusion.

I want to thank the members of the Senate who worked hard. I appreciate the leadership shown on both sides of the aisle. As I reflect upon this important acplishment, important first step toward a prehensive immigration bill, it reminds me of how much the Americans appreciate the fact that we can work together -- when we work together they see positive things.

Immigration is a tough issue for a lot of Americans. The agreement reached today is one that will help enforce our borders, but equally importantly, it will treat people with respect. This is a bill where people who live here in our country will be treated without amnesty, but without animosity.

And so I want to thank you all very much for representing the White House. I thank the senators for working hard. I look forward to a good vote out of the United States Senate as quickly as Leader Reid can get the bill moving, and then of course we look forward to working with the House of Representatives to take this first step and convert it into a successful second step. I really am anxious to sign a prehensive immigration bill as soon as I possibly can. Today we took a good step toward that direction.

Thank you.

END 3:27 P.M. EDT


2013年7月3日星期三

President and Mrs. Bush Discuss Africa Policy, Trip to Africa - 英語演講

February 14, 2008

MRS. BUSH: Thank you very much, Mark. I get to speak first and introduce the President. Thank you, Mark, for your efforts to lead our country's efforts to defeat HIV/AIDS. Thank you very, very much for everything you do around the world.

This is such important work -- and it's work that's saving lives across Africa. Thanks to everyone who helped produce this video, and thanks to everyone here for ing.

Tomorrow, President Bush and I leave for what will be my fifth trip to Africa since 2001, and his second trip to Africa since 2001. I've seen the determination of the people across Africa -- and the passion of the people of the United States of America.

This passion is at work through U.S. initiatives that improve education, reduce poverty, and fight disease. In Ghana, at the Accra Teacher Training Institute, students receive textbooks supplied through our country's Africa Education Initiative. In Mozambique, mosquito nets are provided to children by the President's Malaria Initiative. In Mali, President Tour is using a Millennium Challenge pact to build his country's infrastructure, and to bring prosperity to Mali's people. In South Africa, HIV-positive pregnant mothers keep their babies HIV free with support from the President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief.

In Zambia, I visited the Mututa Memorial Center, which is supported by PEPFAR. At this center, caregivers fan out on bicycle and foot to all the neighborhoods around, and they go door to door with care kits and with antiretroviral drugs. They tend to the people who are sick and they encourage their clients to be tested for HIV. And they literally just cold-call door to door, and often find people who are so sick in bed they can't get up to get help for themselves.

My daughter Jenna was on that trip with me, and we had a roundtable with some caregivers and some patients. And two young HIV-positive women, Sarah and Mwelwa, cried as they told us during this roundtable about their stories of -- they told us their stories of abuse and rape and how they became HIV positive.

Mwelwa is an AIDS orphan, and Sarah was the oldest child living without her mother because her mother had to live in another place to find work. So both girls were vulnerable to what happened to them.

As Jenna and I went up to them afterwards, after the roundtable, and I told them in private that Jenna had written a book about a girl in Central America who had a similar experience to them, Jenna and I were moved when these girls said to Jenna, "I wish you would write my story."

Of all these visits to Africa, on all of them, I've heard stories like Sarah's and Mwelwa's. These are stories of courage and hope, and they're also stories being written with the help of the American people. Both in Africa and here at home, Americans share their time and their money with those in need.

American business leaders are working to provide safe drinking water for children in Zambia. American schoolteachers are holding book drives to rebuild libraries in Liberia. Last summer, I met an American man named Steve Bolinger who is helping to feed AIDS patients in Senegal. During his time in the Peace Corps -- (applause) -- Steve learned how important good nutrition is to people who are living with HIV. So Steve is now using his experience growing up on a farm in Kansas, and his experience as a Peace Corps volunteer, to run his own NGO, Development in Gardening -- or, appropriately, DIG.

Across Africa, American citizens like Steve are giving the very personal gifts of their talent and their energy -- and they're saving lives. They represent one of America's most distinguishing istics, and that is our sincere desire to see other people succeed.

Now I get to introduce a man of deep passion, whose work has saved many lives. And I'm very proud to introduce my husband, President George W. Bush. (Applause.)

THE PRESIDENT: I've been looking forward to ing to the museum, and there's an added benefit, and that is, I get to be introduced by my wife on Valentine's Day. (Laughter.) Happy Valentine's.

This morning Laura and I join all Americans in honoring the life of Congressman Tom Lantos. In his remarkable 80 years, Tom Lantos survived the Nazi camps of Hungary to reach the halls of Congress. As a representative from California, he was a fearless defender of democracy, a powerful advocate of human rights, and a strong supporter of the fight against HIV/AIDS.

Our prayers are with Annette and the Lantos family. We thank God for his service.

Five years ago, Laura and I made our first visit to Africa. Since then, as she mentioned, she's taken three more trips. And every time, she came back with fascinating stories, some of which she just shared with you. And tomorrow, as she mentioned, we're going back, and I'm really looking forward to it.

We're going to Benin, Tanzania, Rwanda, Ghana and Liberia. Each of these countries is blessed with natural beauty, vibrant culture, and an unmistakable spirit of energy and optimism. Africa in the 21st century is a continent of potential. That's how we view it. I hope that's how our fellow citizens view Africa. It's a place where democracy is advancing, where economies are growing, and leaders are meeting challenges with purpose and determination.

Our visit will give me a chance to meet with people who are making the transformation on the continent possible. I'm going to witness the generosity of the American people firsthand. It will give me a chance to remind our fellow citizens about what a passionate people we are. And I will assure our partners in Africa that the United States is mitted to them today, tomorrow, and long into their continent's bright future.

And so I thank you for giving us a chance to e and visit with you. You could call this the send-off speech.

I really want to thank Mark Dybul. I love to support people who are making history. I can't think of any more noble history than to be leading the passionate effort of the American people to help save lives. And Ambassador, you're doing a fabulous job.

I also want to wele Admiral Tim Ziemer. Admiral, good to see you. He's in charge of making sure that we meet our goals in reducing the scourge of malaria. Thanks for ing. You and Dybul are results-oriented people. Let me say, I'm a results-oriented President, and so when I meet with you, I ask you, what are the results? (Laughter.) And you'll hear in a minute they're very positive.

I appreciate very much Dr. Samper and his wife Adriana for weling us. Thank you for leading this important institute.

I also want to thank Sharon Patton, the Director of the Smithsonian National Museum of African Art. Thanks for weling us. It's not so easy, like, to wele the President. (Laughter.) It turns out the entourages are probably bigger than the visitors to your museum -- (laughter) -- but thank you for ing. This is an important part of the Washington scene. I'd urge our fellow citizens to e to this important museum.

I want to thank the board members of the Smithsonian National Museum of Africa Art who have joined us today.

I wele Jendayi Frazer, Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs. Are you going on the trip? Yes. Better get home and pack. (Laughter.) Thanks for ing. I'm proud to work with you.

Henrietta Fore, Administrator of USAID, is with us. Henrietta, thanks for ing.

I better be careful about how I say this for fear of having a huge burst of applause, but I'd like to introduce the Director of the Peace Corps -- (applause) -- Ron Tschetter. Ron, thanks for ing; it's good to see you, sir. And I appreciate you bringing the five-person cheering section with you. (Laughter.) There seems to be a groundswell here. (Laughter.)

I wele the members of the Diplomatic Corps. Thanks for ing.

And finally I do also want to do what Mark did and thank Chuck Dages of Warner Brothers for this trailer. It's good. I appreciate your support.

The museum is a testament to America's long connection to Africa. At least that's how I view it. Africa is the birthplace of humanity, the home of great civilizations, and the source of enduring achievements in culture and art. Africa has also witnessed some of mankind's most eful chapters -- from the evils of the slave trade to the condescension of colonialism. Even the joy of independence -- which arrived with such promise -- was undermined by corruption, conflict, and disease. Just a decade ago, much of Africa seemed to be on the brink of collapse, and much of the world seemed content to let it collapse.

Today, that's changing. A new generation of African leaders is stepping forward, and turning their continent around. International organizations, and faith-based groups, and the private sector are more engaged than ever. And in one of the major priorities of my Presidency, the United States has fundamentally altered our policy toward Africa.

America's approach to Africa stems from both our ideals and our interests. We believe that every human life is precious. We believe that our brothers and sisters in Africa have dignity and value, because they bear the mark of our Creator. We believe our spirit is renewed when we help African children and families live and thrive.

Africa is also increasingly vital to our strategic interests. We have seen that conditions on the other side of the world can have a direct impact on our own security. We know that if Africa were to continue on the old path of decline, it would be more likely to produce failed states, foster ideologies of radicalism, and spread violence across borders. We also know that if Africa grows in freedom, and prosperity, and justice, its people will choose a better course. People who live in societies based on freedom and justice are more likely to reject the false promise of the extremist ideology. Citizens who see a future of opportunity are more likely to build hopeful economies that benefit all the people. Nations that replace disease and despair with healing and hope will help Africa do more than just survive -- it will help Africa succeed.

For all these reasons, America has dramatically increased our mitment to development in Africa. We have also revolutionized the way we approach development. Too many nations continue to follow either the paternalistic notion that treats African countries as charity cases, or a model of exploitation that seeks only to buy up their resources. America rejects both approaches. Instead, we are treating African leaders as equal partners, asking them to set clear goals, and expecting them to produce measurable results. For their part, more African leaders are willing to be held to high standards. And together, we're pioneering a new era in development.

The new era is rooted in a powerful truth: Africa's most valuable resource is not its oil, it's not its diamonds, it is the talent and creativity of its people. So we are partnering with African leaders to empower their people to lift up their nations and write a new chapter in their history.

First, we are working to empower Africans to overe poverty by helping them grow their economies. After a long period of stagnation, many of Africa's economies are springing to life. As a whole, sub-Saharan Africa is projected to grow nearly 7 percent this year. The economies of Ethiopia, Mozambique, and Tanzania are among the fastest-growing in the world. And across Africa, poverty is beginning to decline. Don't get me wrong, it's still a poor place, but poverty is beginning to decline.

This resurgence shows the strength of the entrepreneurial spirit in Africa. America is working to help unleash that spirit across the continent. Along with our fellow G8 nations, we have relieved some $34 billion in debt from African nations in the past 18 months. (Applause,日譯中.) That is roughly the same level of debt that was cancelled in the previous 11 years bined. We have also made historic increases in foreign aid. In my first term, we more than doubled development assistance to Africa -- part of the largest expansion of American development assistance since the Marshall Plan. (Applause.) At the beginning of my second term, I promised to double our assistance again by 2010. And the budget I sent Congress last week will ensure that we meet this mitment.

And just as important, we're changing the way we deliver assistance. We created what's called the Millennium Challenge Account, which offers financial support to the world's most promising developing nations -- nations that fight corruption, nations that govern justly, nations that open up their economies, and nations that invest in the health and education of their people.

America is serving as an investor, not a donor. We believe that countries can adopt the habits necessary to provide help for their people. That's what we believe. And we're willing to invest in leaders that are doing just that. So far, more than two-thirds of the MCA's $5.5 billion is being invested in Africa. And on my trip next week, I will sign the largest project in the program's history -- nearly $700 million pact with Tanzania. (Applause.)

Other nations are seeing the benefits of these agreements. They are moving ahead with the tough economic, political, and social reforms necessary to pete for a pact of their own. In fact, there is now more petition for funds than there are funds available, which ought to say two things: One, that this is evidence that the American taxpayers are getting good value for their dollars. In other words, if nations are willing to fight corruption, work on rule of law, support their people and not theirselves, then it makes sense to invest with them. And secondly, it is evidence that Congress needs to fully fund this important initiative.

The best way to generate economic growth in Africa is to expand trade and investment. When businesses in Africa can sell their products and services around the globe, they create a culture of self-reliance and opportunity. One of the most powerful incentives for trade is the African Growth and Opportunity Act. And I appreciate the fact that Congress has extended this good law. Since 2001, exports from sub-Saharan Africa to the United States have tripled. It's also important for our citizens to know that U.S. exports to sub-Saharan Africa have more than doubled.

On my visit to Ghana, I will meet entrepreneurs who are benefiting from new access to U.S. markets. My message to them will be clear, just like it is to the Congress: For the benefit of Africans and for the benefit of Americans alike, we must maintain our mitment to free and fair trade.

Attracting foreign capital is another key to growth. In recent years, African nations have taken impressive steps to improve their investment climates. According to a World Bank report, 16 countries in sub-Saharan Africa recently adopted reforms to make it easier to start a business and to register property. That may sound simple to Americans, but these are important steps to be able to attract capital for investment purposes. When investors look for a promising market, they are increasingly turning to Africa. And in a hopeful sign, private capital flows to sub-Saharan Africa now exceed development assistance.

We've taken several steps to build on this progress. Last year, we launched the Africa Financial Sector Initiative. As part of this effort, our Overseas Private Investment Corporation mobilized $750 million in investment capital for African businesses. Today, I'm announce that OPIC will support five new investment funds that will mobilize an additional $875 million, for a total of more than $1.6 billion in new capital.

And next week, I'm going to sign a bilateral investment treaty with Rwanda. This will be America's first such treaty in sub-Saharan Africa in nearly a decade. It reflects our shared mitment to systems of fair and open investment. It will bring more capital to Rwanda's dynamic and growing economy. Look, the idea of somehow being able to help people through just giving them money isn't working. That's why I appreciate the efforts of Rob Mosbacher and OPIC, recognizing that when you invest in capital -- invest capital, you create jobs. Paternalism has got to be a thing of the past. Joint venturing with good, capable people is what the future is all about. (Applause.)

But in the long run, the best way to lift lives in Africa is to tear down barriers to investment and trade around the world. And we have an opportunity to do that through the Doha Round of trade talks. Look, Doha is important to enhance trade, but if you're truly interested in eliminating poverty, we ought to be reducing tariffs and barriers all across the globe. The United States stands ready to cut farm subsidies, and agricultural tariffs, and other trade barriers that disadvantage developing countries. On the other hand, we expect the rest of the world -- especially the most advanced developing countries --to do the same. And if we both make good-faith efforts, we can reach a successful Doha agreement this year.

Secondly, we're working to empower Africans to alleviate hunger, expand education, and fight disease. America is proud to be the world's largest provider of food assistance, including emergency food stocks that have saved lives in places like Ethiopia, or Sudan, and other African nations. It's a noble effort on our people's part. I don't know if -- most Americans don't understand that we're the world's largest provider of food to feed the hungry, but we are. (Applause.)

Yet our ultimate objective is to do more than respond to the hungry -- it is to help African countries feed their own people. So I have proposed that America purchase crops directly from farmers in Africa, instead of just shipping food assistance from the developed world. (Applause.) This initiative would build up local agriculture markets. It would help break the cycle of famine. And it deserves the full support of the United States Congress.

We're also focusing on education. I'm looking forward to seeing the President of Tanzania, he's a good guy. Here's what he said; he said "It's an indisputable fact that education is key to development." Across Africa, students are eager to learn, and often they lack quality teachers and just basic supplies. Things we take for granted in America are just lacking in parts of Africa. So in 2002, I launched the Africa Education Initiative, the goal of which is to distribute more than 15 million textbooks, train nearly a million teachers, and provide scholarships for 550,000 girls by 2010. And we're headed to achieving that goal. In other words, these just weren't empty words, these were concrete, solid goals, being funded as a result of the generosity of the Congress and the American people.

Last year, I also announced a new International Education Initiative, which will help make basic education available to 4 million people in Ghana, Liberia, and other nations. Laura and I are looking forward to talking to the leaders of Ghana and Liberia about this important, transformative initiative. With both these steps, we are matching the enthusiasm of African educators with the generosity of our taxpayers -- and we believe strongly that this will open up the door to opportunity for millions. The good news is, so do the leaders of the countries we're going to visit.

The greatest threat to Africa is disease. The greatest threat for a successful Africa is the scourge of HIV/AIDS and malaria. Two out of every three people afflicted with HIV/AIDS live in sub-Saharan Africa. The disease is the leading cause of death in the region. Just a few years ago, there were fears that HIV/AIDS could wipe out much of the continent's population, with death rates that would rival the Black Plague of the Middle Ages.

We responded. We responded with the Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief. It's the largest international health initiative in history to fight a single disease. (Applause.) In 2002, we pledged $15 billion over five years to support HIV/AIDS prevention, treatment, and care. We set some clear principles on how that money would be spent. We put local partners in the lead, because they know their people and their needs. We opened the funding to faith-based groups -- healers willing to deliver medicine to remote villages by bicycle or on foot. We stressed the importance of changing behavior, so that fewer people are infected in the first place.

And the results are striking. When I visited sub-Saharan Africa five years ago, or when we visited five years ago, 50,000 people were receiving medicine to treat HIV/AIDS. And when we return this week, there will be more than 1.3 million. (Applause.) One person who knows the benefits of the Emergency Plan is Tatu Msangi. She's a single mother from Tanzania. When she became pregnant, Tatu went to a clinic run by a Christian group. Souls showing up to love a neighbor just like they'd like to be loved themselves. You know, it didn't take a federal law to say, go to Africa to provide love for Tatu, it took a higher calling. These goals responded.

She learned she was HIV-positive, and enrolled in a program designed to prevent mother-to-child transmission. She went on to deliver a healthy, HIV-free girl, named Faith. I will see Tatu next week in Tanzania, but it's not going to be the first time I met her. See, a few weeks ago, she and Faith endured a rather windy State of the Union address. She sat with Laura in the box, here in the capital of the nation that helped save their lives.

In all, the Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief has benefited tens of millions in Africa. Some call this a remarkable success. I call it a good start. Last May, I proposed to double our nation's initial pledge, to $30 billion over the next five years. (Applause.) The people on the continent of Africa have to know they're not alone. The G8 has shown leadership by agreeing to match our $30 billion pledge. The private sector has made generous contributions as well. Think of what Warner Brothers has done, for example. And now the time has e for Congress to act. Members of both parties should reauthorize the Emergency Plan, maintain the principles that have made it a success, and double our mitment to this noble cause.

Malaria is another devastating killer. In some African countries, malaria takes as many lives as HIV/AIDS. And the vast majority of those taken by malaria are children under the age of five. Every one of these deaths is unnecessary, because the disease is entirely preventable and treatable. So in , America launched a five-year, $1.2 billion initiative to provide the insecticide-treated beds, indoor spraying, cutting-edge drugs that are necessary to defeat this disease. It's not a plicated strategy. It doesn't take a lot of medical research. We know how to solve the problem. That's why I put the Admiral there. He knows how to solve problems. He can get us from point A to point B in a straight line. Well, nearly straight line. (Laughter.) And so we set a historic goal -- if you have a treatable problem on hand, then you're able to set measurable goals. And the goal is to cut the number of malaria-related deaths in 15 African nations by half. That's the goal.

Like the Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief, the malaria initiative empowers leaders on the ground to design strategies that work best for their nations. For example, President Yayi of Benin has called the fight against malaria "a fight against misery." With the help of the malaria initiative, he's leading a campaign to deliver insecticide-treated bed nets to children under five in Benin. I'm looking forward to hearing how that's going when we meet him on Benin on our first stop. I can't wait to find out how well this initiative is doing.

Like the Emergency Plan, the malaria initiative has been matched by G8 nations, which have pledged to cut malaria deaths by half in an additional 15 countries. This initiative has also been greeted with generous support from the private sector, faith-based groups, and Americans who want to do something to save somebody's life. You can buy a $10 bed net and ship it to Africa to save a life. It doesn't take much money, but it takes a big heart. One of the interesting gifts Laura and I got a couple of years ago for Christmas was bed nets in our name. It made us feel great.

Like the Emergency Plan, the malaria initiative is producing undeniable results. In just over two years, the initiative has reached more than 25 million people. (Applause.) According to new data, malaria rates are dropping dramatically in many parts of Africa. If we stay on this path, an extraordinary achievement is within reach -- Africa can turn a disease that has taken its children for centuries into a thing of the past. And wouldn't that be fantastic? And so Laura and I are going to spend time with these leaders, saying, what a noble opportunity; what a great goal; what a great way to serve humankind.

Finally, we're working to empower Africans to end conflicts, strengthen democracy, and promote peace. When I took office, Africa was home to six major conflicts -- in Angola, Burundi, Congo, Liberia, Sierra Leone, and southern Sudan. We concluded that the best way to broker peace was to support the efforts of African leaders on the ground, instead of dictating solutions from Washington, D.C. And today, every one of them has made progress toward peace and stability.

For example, the United States worked closely with Nigeria to help end the Liberian civil war. When the international munity called for Charles Taylor to step down in , the President of Nigeria provided a plane to take him in exile. When U.S. Marines deployed to Liberia, Nigerian peacekeepers deployed at the same time. And today, Liberia's long war is over. And next week in Monrovia, Laura and I will meet with Africa's first democratically-elected woman President: Ellen Johnson Sirleaf. (Applause.)

Even without major conflict or civil war, security challenges remain in Africa, and we're working closely with local partners to address them. The Department of Defense has established a new African mand, which will work closely with African governments to crack down on human trafficking, piracy, and terrorism across the continent. We are employing diplomatic tools as well. In Eastern Congo, we worked with leaders on the ground to broker the recent agreements to demobilize all remaining armed groups. And we stand ready to help all sides to implement them. In Kenya, we are backing the efforts of former U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan to end the crisis.

And when we're on the continent I've asked Condi Rice -- that would be Secretary Rice -- to travel to Kenya to support the work of the former Secretary General, and to deliver a message directly to Kenya's leaders and people: There must be an immediate halt to violence, there must be justice for the victims of abuse, and there must be a full return to democracy. (Applause.)

In Darfur, the United States will continue to call the killing what it is - genocide. We will continue to deliver humanitarian aid. We will continue to enforce sanctions, tough sanctions, against the Sudanese government officials, rebel leaders, and others responsible for violence. We expect other nations to join us in this effort to save lives from the genocide that is taking place. We will use all our diplomatic resources to urge full deployment of an effective United Nations force. The decision was made to count on the United Nations to provide the force necessary to protect people, and so we're going to support their efforts. I must confess, I'm a little frustrated by how slow things are moving. And yet we will support their efforts to find forces necessary to make a robust contribution to save lives.

On this trip, I'm going to visit with brave peacekeepers from Rwanda, a nation that knows the pain of genocide and was the first country to send troops into Darfur. Other nations need to follow Rwanda's example. Other nations need to take this issue seriously, just like the United States does, and provide more manpower for this urgent mission. And when they do, I pledge America will provide the training and equipment necessary to deploy the peacekeepers to Darfur. (Applause.)

America also stands with all in Africa who live in the quiet pain of tyranny. We will confront tyranny. In Zimbabwe, a discredited dictator presides over food shortages, staggering inflation, and harsh repression. The decent and talented people of that country deserve much better. America will continue to support freedom in Zimbabwe. And I urge neighbors in the region, including South Africa, to do the same. We look forward to the hour when this nightmare is over, and the people of Zimbabwe regain their freedom.

These are great challenges, but there is even greater cause for hope. In the past four years alone, there have been more than 50 democratic elections in Africa. Thriving free societies have emerged in nations with Islamic majorities, Christian majorities, majorities of other beliefs -- which is a powerful rebuke to the ideology of the extremists. In many nations, women have exercised the right to vote and run for office. Rwanda now has the highest percentage of female legislators in the world. (Applause.) Overall, more than two-thirds of the nations of sub-Saharan Africa are free. And for the rest, the direction of history is clear, so long as the United States does not lose its nerve, and retreat into isolationism and protectionism. The day will e when a region once dismissed as the "dark continent" enjoys the light of liberty.

The United States must remain fully mitted to the new era of development that we have begun with our partners in Africa. It's in our national interest we do so. I'm going to work closely with the G8 nations to ensure they keep their promises as well. Congress must continue to show its mitment by fully funding the development programs I described today. You see, saving lives is a calling that crosses partisan lines. It remains equally worthy in both good economic times and times of economic uncertainty.

Across Africa, people have begun to speak of the "Lazarus effect," where munities once given up for dead are ing back to life. This work of healing and redemption is both a matter of conscience and a wise exercise of American influence. The work is not done. In the face of the needs that remain, it's important for the African people to believe the American people are not going to turn away. That's part of the purpose of our trip. The changes taking place in Africa don't always make the headlines. So don't be frustrated, Mark. That means the work is quiet, but it is not thankless.

Last November, I met a woman from Zambia named Bridget Chisenga. Bridget's husband died of AIDS, and she expected to meet the same fate. Then she went to a clinic operated by Catholic Relief Services, funded by the American people. Today, Bridget is healthy. She has a job at the clinic, where she helps provide AIDS medicine to others. I want our fellow citizens to hear what she said: "This face is alive and vibrant because of your initiative. I would like to thank you."

Americans have heard similar words of gratitude and hope in the past. They were said about the people who liberated the concentration camps, and saved the blockaded city of Berlin, and stood firm until the prisoners in the gulags were set free. This spirit of purpose and passion has always defined America. And that is why the people of Africa can be certain they will always have a friend and partner in the United States of America.

God bless. (Applause.)

END 10:55 A.M. EST