2013年7月11日星期四

Dotage 老胡涂

傢中有老人的友人,散在一路時常笑談"贍養老人有時像帶小孩"。這話很有情理,比方說聽爺爺奶奶講故事,明明聽了N遍您還得裝作滿腔熱情、滿臉猎奇,哄著他們開心。英語中"溺愛小孩"用dote表達,风趣的是由dote衍死而來名詞dotage示意"老糊涂",看來"溺愛、嬌慣"還实得與"年迈智衰"有關係呢。

依据Oxford英語詞典的援用情況看,dote最后來源於荷蘭語doten(愚昧的),英譯中,13世紀dote做為動詞進进英語詞匯,表现"頭腦胡涂,止為笨拙乃至瘋顛";同時期,人們開初把"糊涂"的广泛意專用於白叟身上(尤指果年纪過下,記憶力、智力消退);正在現代,dote更经常使用來描述"傢長對小孩某人對寵物,不講本則的溺愛"。

Dotage默示"白叟糊涂"是沿用了dote的第两層涵意。舉個例子,Grandpa needs full-time care, now that he's in dotage(爺爺年紀年夜了,须要获得粗古道热肠炤顧)。别的,以dote為詞根,另外一相應的名詞情势dotard更側重於強調"大哥智衰的人",而dotage暗示"年迈智衰的狀態"。

2013年7月9日星期二

Maximilien Robespierre - 英語演講

Maximilien Robespierre (1758-1794) was one of the leaders and orators of the French Revolution of 1789, best known for his involvement in the Reign of Terror that followed.

As a young man, he studied law and had a reputation for honesty and passion. He sought to abolish the death penalty and refused to pronounce a required death sentence after being a judge.

But as the revolution approached, Robespierre became head of the powerful Jacobin Club, a radical group advocating exile or death for France's nobility. In 1792, after Paris mobs stormed the palace of the Tuileries and dethroned King Louis XVI and Queen Marie Antoinette, Robespierre helped organize the new revolutionary governing body, the mune of Paris.

Robespierre now developed great love for power along with a reputation for intolerance, self-righteousness and cruelty.

He used his considerable oratory skills to successfully demand the execution of the king and queen, saying Louis XVI "must die that the country may live." In January 1793, the king was executed, followed ten months later by the queen.

The mittee of Public Safety then took over the rule of France and began a three year Reign of Terror during which it brutally put down royalist uprisings, conducted wholesale murder of families with royal ancestry and sent thousands to the guillotines without proper trials.

At one point during the Reign of Terror, Robespierre sent an atheist, Jacques-Rene Hebert, to the guillotine after Hebert had closed the Catholic churches and started pagan-style worship of the goddess of Reason. Robespierre then introduced the Reign of Virtue and the Festival of the Supreme Being, from which the speech below is taken.

Not long after this speech, Robespierre himself was arrested by his political enemies. A rescue attempt followed, during which part of his jaw was shot off. On July 28, 1794, Robespierre and 19 of his rades were guillotined. After his death, the Reign of Terror subsided, with Robespierre subsequently blamed for much of its horrors.


The day forever fortunate has arrived, which the French people have consecrated to the Supreme Being. Never has the world which He created offered to Him a spectacle so worthy of His notice. He has seen reigning on the earth tyranny, crime, and imposture. He sees at this moment a whole nation, grappling with all the oppressions of the human race, suspend the course of its heroic labors to elevate its thoughts and vows toward the great Being who has given it the mission it has undertaken and the strength to acplish it.

Is it not He whose immortal hand, engraving on the heart of man the code of justice and equality, has written there the death sentence of tyrants? Is it not He who, from the beginning of time, decreed for all the ages and for all peoples liberty, good faith, and justice?

He did not create kings to devour the human race. He did not create priests to harness us, like vile animals, to the chariots of kings and to give to the world examples of baseness, pride, perfidy, avarice, debauchery, and falsehood. He created the universe to proclaim His power. He created men to help each other, to love each other mutually, and to attain to happiness by the way of virtue.

It is He who implanted in the breast of the triumphant oppressor remorse and terror, and in the heart of the oppressed and innocent calmness and fortitude. It is He who impels the just man to hate the evil one, and the evil man to respect the just one. It is He who adorns with modesty the brow of beauty, to make it yet more beautiful. It is He who makes the mother's heart beat with tenderness and joy. It is He who bathes with delicious tears the eyes of the son pressed to the bosom of his mother. It is He who silences the most imperious and tender passions before the sublime love of the fatherland. It is He who has covered nature with charms, riches, and majesty. All that is good is His work, or is Himself. Evil belongs to the depraved man who oppresses his fellow man or suffers him to be oppressed.

The Author of Nature has bound all mortals by a boundless chain of love and happiness. Perish the tyrants who have dared to break it!

Republican Frenchmen, it is yours to purify the earth which they have soiled, and to recall to it the justice that they have banished! Liberty and virtue together came from the breast of Divinity. Neither can abide with mankind without the other.

O generous People, would you triumph over all your enemies? Practice justice, and render the Divinity the only worship worthy of Him. O People, let us deliver ourselves today, under His auspices, to the just transports of a pure festivity. Tomorrow we shall return to the bat with vice and tyrants. We shall give to the world the example of republican virtues. And that will be to honor Him still.

The monster which the genius of kings had vomited over France has gone back into nothingness. May all the crimes and all the misfortunes of the world disappear with it! Armed in turn with the daggers of fanaticism and the poisons of atheism, kings have always conspired to assassinate humanity. If they are able no longer to disfigure Divinity by superstition, to associate it with their crimes, they try to banish it from the earth, so that they may reign there alone with crime.

O People, fear no more their sacrilegious plots! They can no more snatch the world from the breast of its Author than remorse from their own hearts. Unfortunate ones, uplift your eyes toward heaven! Heroes of the fatherland, your generous devotion is not a brilliant madness. If the satellites of tyranny can assassinate you, it is not in their power entirely to destroy you. Man, whoever thou mayest be, thou canst still conceive high thoughts for thyself. Thou canst bind thy fleeting life to God, and to immortality. Let nature seize again all her splendor, and wisdom all her empire! The Supreme Being has not been annihilated.

It is wisdom above all that our guilty enemies would drive from the republic. To wisdom alone it is given to strengthen the prosperity of empires. It is for her to guarantee to us the rewards of our courage. Let us associate wisdom, then, with all our enterprises. Let us be grave and discreet in all our deliberations, as men who are providing for the interests of the world. Let us be ardent and obstinate in our anger against conspiring tyrants, imperturbable in dangers, patient in labors, terrible in striking back, modest and vigilant in successes. Let us be generous toward the good, passionate with the unfortunate, inexorable with the evil, just toward every one. Let us not count on an unmixed prosperity, and on triumphs without attacks, nor on all that depends on fortune or the perversity of others. Sole, but infallible guarantors of our independence, let us crush the impious league of kings by the grandeur of our , even more than by the strength of our arms.

Frenchmen, you war against kings; you are therefore worthy to honor Divinity. Being of Beings, Author of Nature, the brutalized slave, the vile instrument of despotism, the perfidious and cruel aristocrat, outrages Thee by his very invocation of Thy name. But the defenders of liberty can give themselves up to Thee, and rest with confidence upon Thy paternal bosom. Being of Beings, we need not offer to Thee unjust prayers. Thou knowest Thy creatures, proceeding from Thy hands. Their needs do not escape Thy notice, more than their secret thoughts. Hatred of bad faith and tyranny burns in our hearts, with love of justice and the fatherland. Our blood flows for the cause of humanity. Behold our prayer. Behold our sacrifices. Behold the worship we offer Thee.

Robespierre - 1794


2013年7月7日星期日

President Bush Participates in Joint Press Availability with - 英語演講

May 17, 20

11:23 A.M. EDT

PRESIDENT BUSH: Thank you. I'm pleased to wele Tony Blair back to the White House. He is a good friend. He has led the British people for a long time, since 1797. (Laughter.)

You know, I was sitting with Tony on the Truman balcony last night, and we were discussing a lot of issues. And it dawned on me, once again, what a clear strategic thinker he is. Somebody asked me the other day, how would you define Tony Blair and your relationship with him? I said, first of all, it's cordial, it's open, and I appreciate the fact that he can see beyond the horizon. And that's the kind of leadership the world needs.

I do congratulate the Prime Minister for being a -- when he gets on a subject, it's dogged. Witness his patience and resolve regarding Northern Ireland. And congratulations for your leadership.

We talked about a lot of issues at dinner and our meetings. We talked about, of course, Iraq. As a matter of fact, the Prime Minister and I have just finished a video conference with our respective manders and ambassadors from Baghdad. We got a full briefing on the situation on the ground. I appreciated Tony's willingness to interface with our people there. I reminded our people that the best decisions are made when you listen to the manders. And our manders have got good, specific advice as to how to achieve our objectives, which I believe we'll achieve; objectives that I know are necessary for peace -- peace in the Middle East, peace in the United States, and in the United Kingdom.

We talked about Afghanistan. We strongly support our NATO mission in Afghanistan, and I informed the Prime Minister that the Secretary General of NATO will be ing to Crawford this weekend. I'm looking forward to talking to him about how we can continue to work together. And I want to thank you for your strong mitment to the NATO mission and the people of Afghanistan.

We talked about the Middle East, and we're concerned about the violence we see in Gaza. We strongly urge the parties to work toward a two-state solution. I'm looking forward to continue to work on this issue. I've instructed my Secretary of State to be actively engaged. She represents the position of the Bush government, which is two states living side by side in peace. We believe that vision is possible, but it requires strong leadership on both sides of the issue.

The Prime Minister and I discussed the humanitarian needs of the Palestinian people. We recognized the deep humiliation that can e as a result of living in a land where you can't move freely, and where people can't realize dreams. We talked about the need to reject and fight terrorism. We understand the fright that can e when you're worried about a rocket landing on top of your home. I'm mitted to peace in the Middle East, and I appreciate Tony Blair being a partner in peace.

We talked about Iran. We fully recognize that the Iranians must not have a nuclear weapon. And therefore it's important to continue to work in the international arena to speak with one voice. And if we're unable to make progress with the Iranians, we want to work together to implement new sanctions through the United Nations, to continue to make it clear that Iran with a nuclear weapon is not in the interests of peace in the world.

We talked about, of course, Africa. We spent a lot of time talking about Africa. I told the Prime Minister that the AIDS initiative that got started under my administration will continue; that I'll work with Congress to make sure that the PEPFAR Initiative, that has been so effective at getting anti-retro viral drugs to people on that continent will continue. It's an important initiative of ours.

I applaud the Prime Minister's education initiative on the continent of Africa. It's a bold stroke. And we look forward to working with you on that initiative. We talked about Darfur, and how frustrated I am, and I know the Prime Minister is frustrated at the inability for the international munity to react with consequence in Darfur. And I explained to him my strategy of moving forward with sanctions, and hopefully a new, stronger United Nations if we don't see some improvement in the lives of the people there.

And we talked, of course, about climate change. We spent a lot of time on climate change. And I agree with the Prime Minister, as I have stated publicly, this is a serious issue, and the United States takes it seriously, just like we take energy security seriously.

We talked about the uping G8, and I assured the Prime Minister we want to be a part of a solution, that we want to work constructively together. He's got some really good ideas on how to advance the technologies that are going to be necessary to help solve this problem. And I told him I've got some good ideas as how to convince China and India to be a part of a global solution. We have a lot of mon ground that we've been discussing today.

Finally, we agreed to improve defense cooperation by working towards an agreement reducing barriers to trade in defense goods and services and between the United States and the United Kingdom, including defense industries. This is an important issue for the Prime Minister; it's an important issue to me. I made it clear to the Prime Minister we will work on this issue tirelessly until we can get it solved.

It's been a joy having you back here. I appreciate -- every time I'm with you I appreciate very much the insight you provide. And I guess, for the final time as Prime Minister, you get to address the good folks in our country from the Rose Garden.

PRIME MINISTER BLAIR: Well, thank you very much, Mr. President, and thank you, as ever, for the kindness and graciousness of your wele to me here at the White House. And thank you also for the strength of your leadership over the past few years. You have been a strong leader at a time when the world needed strong leadership. You've been unyielding and unflinching, and determined in the fight that we face together. And I thank you for that.

And I also would take this opportunity of saying that I believe that the relationship between the United States of America and Britain is a relationship that is in the interests of our two countries and in the interests of the peace and stability of the wider world. And sometimes it's a controversial relationship -- at least over in my country. But I've never doubted its importance. I've never doubted that it's based on principle, on shared values, and on a shared purpose, which is to make our world a better, more free, more just place in which people of all nations and all faiths can live.

So I would like to thank you for the strength also of that relationship over these past few years.

The President has, rightly and prehensively, gone through the various issues that we discussed. And I would like to pick out from those, first of all, the discussion we were able to have with our ambassadors and manders in respect of Iraq, where there's no doubt at all it's immensely challenging, immensely difficult, but also there is a huge amount that is being done, not just to improve the security there, which is important, but also in respect to the politics where, as they were telling us, there are the majority elements in each of the main munities, whether Sunni, or Shia, or Kurd, who actually want to live in peace with one another, and want a future for that country that is not marred by terrorism and sectarianism. And we,翻譯公司, of course, want to see that happen in the interests of that country, and the interests of the stability of the wider region and the world.

Again, in respect of Afghanistan, where American troops, and of course, British troops, down in the Helmand province, are doing an extraordinary job, a heroic job, actually. And I think we can be so proud of the Armed Forces of both countries and what they're doing in the world today.

The situation is fraught with danger, which they take on with immense courage and immense determination. And down in the south of Afghanistan at the moment, there are operations the whole time against the Taliban, in favor of, again, what the Afghan people want, which is the chance to have a better future and escape from the poverty and misery and oppression of the Taliban years.

And we discussed, of course, the Middle East and the very dangerous, difficult situation there, and our belief, again, that the important thing is how we make progress towards the two-state solution, which is the only solution in the end that will offer a realistic prospect and progress in that region.

And of course, also, we talked about the uping G8 where there's going to be important negotiations over the issue of climate change and over the issue of Africa. I mean, in respect of climate change, I wele very much what the President has said today. The important thing is that we see that it's possible for people to e together on an agreement for the future that will allow us to reduce greenhouse gas emissions, that will allow us to have a way forward that involves not just Europe and the United States of America, but China and India and the rest of the developing world also, and that also addresses what is an issue of top, top priority now in Europe, but also, I know here, which is energy security.

There are two reasons why this issue is on the agenda in a way that is perhaps more acute than ever before. There is the issue of the environment, there's the issue of energy security. And I think there's a -- there's a synergy between those two issues and the way they e together, which offer some prospect of hope for the future.

And in respect of Africa, as you will know, at the Gleneagles summit a couple of years ago, we made Africa, if you like, the centerpiece of the summit. I think it's important that we remit to the undertakings we gave there to help people in Africa, and that we do not lose sight of that as a major, in some sense, the major moral course of our time, which is to lift people out of poverty on that troubled continent. And I totally agree with what the President was saying. We have the same position exactly on Darfur and the need to take action there.

And finally, can I thank the President for what he has said on the issue to do with defense and trade between our two countries. This is an issue that seems technical, but actually is a very important way of trumpeting the understanding, the work that we're doing together on the issue of defense and technology between our two countries.

And so let me end where I began, which is the importance of the relationship between the United States and Britain. I mean, whether it's in respect of fighting terrorism, the big issues to do with energy and climate change, the cause that is Africa, the agreements between our two countries in respect to defense, our two nations should always work together. It's served us well in the past. But it's not a relationship that's founded on history; it's a relationship that is about a shared future.

Thank you.

PRESIDENT BUSH: So as a parting gift to the Prime Minister, we'll take some questions. (Laughter.)

Hunt.

Q Thank you. Mr. Prime Minister, will Britain in the ing months and years be as staunch an ally in Iraq for the United States as it has been under your leadership?

And, Mr. President, will you sign a war spending bill that has consequences for the Iraqi government if it fails to meet benchmarks for progress?

PRIME MINISTER BLAIR: The answer to your question is yes, I believe that we will remain a staunch and steadfast ally in the fight against terrorism in Iraq and Afghanistan and elsewhere.

Let me just explain one thing that came out very powerfully from the discussion we had with our manders this morning. Essentially, what we have in Iraq at the moment is a situation where there is a renewed attempt to find political reconciliation -- between Sunni and Shia, particularly. And I believe there are signs, real and genuine signs of progress there.

But what you are seeing in Iraq is an attempt by al Qaeda -- through these appalling suicide bombs and also, particularly, down in the south, through the improvised explosive devices by Iranian-backed elements -- to try to disturb any prospect of Sunni and Shia ing together and delivering what the people of Iraq want to see.

And the only point that I would make is this, and this is the reason why it's important that Britain holds steadfast to the course of fighting alongside America in this battle against terrorism: The forces that we are fighting in Iraq -- al Qaeda on the one hand, Iranian-backed elements on the other -- are the same forces we're fighting everywhere. And over these past few weeks you can see in different parts of the world -- Morocco, Algeria, Pakistan, in Saudi Arabia recently -- where this extremism is rearing its head, is trying to dislodge the prospects of stability and progress in so many different countries. There is no alternative for us but to fight it wherever it exists. And that is true whether it's in our own countries, which have both suffered from terrorism, or in Iraq, or Afghanistan.

And so this is not a -- it's not about us remaining true to the course that we've set out because of the alliance with America. It is about us remaining steadfast because what we are fighting, the enemy we are fighting is an enemy that is aiming its destruction at our way of life and anybody who wants that way of life. And in those circumstances, the harder they fight, the more determined we must be to fight back.

If what happens is, the harder they fight, the more our will diminishes, then that's a fight we're going to lose. And this is a fight we cannot afford to lose.

PRESIDENT BUSH: I've instructed Josh to stay in touch with leaders -- Josh Bolten, Chief of Staff -- stay in touch with leaders, both Democrat and Republican, about moving a supplemental as quickly as possible. First I applaud what Harry Reid and Nancy Pelosi said, that time is of the essence; we've got to get the bill done, and if need be -- I think they said -- they would keep members here to get the troops funded.

Secondly, I appreciate you trying to get me to negotiate here on the platform. Josh has been told that -- we understand benchmarks are important. I talked specifically about benchmarks, and he'll work with members of Congress to e up with a supplemental that we -- both sides can live with. And I'm confident we can get the job done.

There's been a series of votes in Congress that people have been able to express their opinion; now it's time to put forth a spending bill that doesn't have artificial timetables for withdrawal, doesn't micromanage the military, and is wise about how we spend the people's money. We'll work it hard. I think we can get a deal.

Q -- question?

PRESIDENT BUSH: As I said, you're trying to get me to negotiate. Our negotiator is Josh. And we fully understand the need to have benchmarks in a bill. I accept and respect the members' desire to have benchmarks -- after all, I'm the person who laid them out initially. We will work through something we can all live with, and enable us to get the job done.

Again, this is an issue that has been very emotional here in Washington. People have got strong opinions. I do appreciate the leadership of the Speaker and the Leader in saying, okay, now let's work together and get it solved. I'm optimistic we can do so.

Q During the course of this visit it has been confirmed that Gordon Brown is going to be the next British Prime Minister, taking over in 40 days' time. I wonder if I could have both your reactions to that. And, in particular, Mr. Blair, what you say to those people who are saying now there is a new Prime Minister in place, you should go sooner? And to Mr. Bush, whether --

PRESIDENT BUSH: That's a lovely question. (Laughter.)

Q -- however inadvertently, you once said that you would like Tony Blair to stay for the duration of your presidency. He's not doing that. Do you think you're partly to blame for that?

PRESIDENT BUSH: I haven't polled the Labour conference, but could be. (Laughter.) The question is, am I to blame for his leaving? I don't know.

Q And what do you think of Brown?

PRESIDENT BUSH: I hope to help him in office the way Tony Blair helped me. Newly elected President, Tony Blair came over and he reached out, he was gracious -- was able to converse in a way where our shared interests were the most important aspect of the relationship. I would hope I would provide the same opportunities for Gordon Brown. I met him, thought he was a good fellow.

My attitude is this, this man here is the Prime Minister, we've got a lot of work to do until he finishes. He's going to sprint to the wire. He's going to finish the job that the people want him to do, and I'm going to work with him to do it. The meetings today weren't -- this wasn't like a farewell deal; this was "how can we continue to work together for the mon good." And that's what we'll do.

As to why things happen politically in Great Britain, I'd suggest you go over there and ask people. Nice to see you again. (Laughter.)

PRIME MINISTER BLAIR: You had kind of forgotten what the British media were like, hadn't you? (Laughter.) These things --

PRESIDENT BUSH: He woke up to ask the question. (Laughter.)

PRIME MINISTER BLAIR: First of all, having signed Gordon's nomination forms to nominate him as leader, of course I wish him well and I believe he'll make a great Prime Minister. And I know he believes in the relationship with America, too. And as for me, I will carry on doing the things that I've set out over the next few weeks that I need to do, not least and what we're talking about with the uping G8 summit and the deal which we've been trying to put together, different countries involved on climate change, and Africa -- and then, of course, you've got the European agreement at the end of June, which is going to be very important.

And just let me to stress to you, incidentally, that will be a government position. It will be a government negotiation that goes on there. But it's very, very important so that we can make sure that Europe moves forward. And then, of course, there are various domestic issues, too, as well.

I'll answer the question about the President, as well, in relation to me. You can debate that as much as you like, but I want to say one thing to you -- since it will be the last chance I get to have a press conference in the Rose Garden, standing next to President Bush -- I've admired him as a President and I regard him as a friend. I have taken the view that Britain should stand shoulder-to-shoulder with America after September 11th. I have never deviated from that view. I do not regret that view. I am proud of the relationship we have had. I am proud of the relationship between our two countries.

And I think that sometimes in politics there are all sorts of issues where you've got to negotiate and promise, but when it es to the fundamental questions that affect our security and the future of the world, you should do what is right. I have tried to do that. And I believe that is what he has done, as well.

Q Would you do it again?

PRIME MINISTER BLAIR: And I would take the same position of alliance with America again; yes, I would.

PRESIDENT BUSH: Steve.

Q Thank you, sir. The fate of Paul Wolfowitz appears to be hanging in the balance. After all we've heard in recent days, is it still possible for him to provide the kind of leadership needed at the Bank?

PRESIDENT BUSH: First of all, I believe all parties in this matter have acted in good faith. I regret that it's e to this. I admire Paul Wolfowitz. I admire his heart. And I particularly admired his focus on helping the poor. There is a board meeting going on as we speak. All I can tell you is I know that Paul Wolfowitz has a interest in what's best for the Bank, and just like he's had an interest in what's best for making sure the Bank focused on things that matter: human suffering, the human condition. I -- and so I applaud his vision, I respect him a lot, and as I said, I regret this has e to this right now.

Q Mr. Blair, you outlined some very big policy areas there -- in your discussions with the President. Is it really possible, do you think, to make significant progress on them in the time that you have left?

And, Mr. President, if I could ask you, is this really still the right man to be talking to?

PRESIDENT BUSH: Yes. No question about it's the right man to be talking to. And, yes, we can get a lot done.

PRIME MINISTER BLAIR: You know, we're going to have a G8 summit in a couple of weeks time, at which these issues to do with climate change in Africa are going to be debated and discussed. And I hope very much, because you e together at the G8 a bit like we did a couple of years ago at Gleneagles, and it's an opportunity for the international munity, a major part of the international munity, to e together and reach, in principle, agreements. I think most people would accept that what happened at Gleneagles a couple of years ago was very important.

I think what happens in Germany in a couple of weeks time could be equally important, and that will be the time when we e to those decisions. So of course, I want to see -- see that through, because I've been involved in this all the way -- all the way through.

And the important thing, as well, is that I think you will find at the German summit that not just the G8 countries are there, but also China and India and Brazil and Mexico, South Africa, maybe some of the African nations. And so it will be an opportunity for us to remit on Africa, and for the world to make important mitments on that, and then to see if it's possible to agree the elements that could go into a more prehensive climate change deal. So it's a pretty important thing, and that's what we're working on.

PRESIDENT BUSH: You know, it's interesting, like trying to do a tap dance on his political grave, aren't you? I mean, this -- you don't understand how effective Blair is, I guess, because when we're in a room with world leaders and he speaks, people listen. And they -- they view his opinion as considered and his judgment as sound.

And I find it interesting the first two questions are, is this the right guy? Well, he happens to be your Prime Minister, but more importantly, he is a respected man in the international arena. People admire him. Even if they may not agree with him a hundred percent, they admire him a lot. And it's not just the American President who admires him; a lot of people admire him. And so he's effective. He's effective because he is -- his remendations to solve problems are sound. He's also effective because he is the kind of person who follows through.

There's a lot of blowhards in the political process, you know, a lot of hot-air artists, people who have got something fancy to say. Tony Blair is somebody who actually follows through with his , and therefore, is admired in the international munity.

So I guess this is an appropriate question to ask -- right guy, is he still standing -- yes. This guy is a very strong, respected leader, and he's absolutely the right guy for me to be dealing with.

Kelly. By the way, if I'm not mistaken, this is your birthday. It is? Would you like me and the Prime Minister to do a duet, you know? (Laughter.)

Q I didn't realize the intel briefing was so far-reaching. (Laughter.)

PRESIDENT BUSH: That's right. Kelly O'Donnell.

Q Thank you, sir. There's been some very dramatic testimony before the Senate this week from one of your former top Justice Department officials, who describes a scene that some senators called "stunning," about a time when the wireless -- when the warrantless wiretap program was being reviewed. Sir, did you send your then Chief of Staff and White House Counsel to the bedside of John Ashcroft while he was ill to get him to approve that program? And do you believe that kind of conduct from White House officials is appropriate?

PRESIDENT BUSH: Kelly, there's a lot of speculation about what happened and what didn't happen; I'm not going to talk about it. It's a very sensitive program. I will tell you that, one, the program is necessary to protect the American people, and it's still necessary because there's still an enemy that wants to do us harm.

And therefore, I have an obligation to put in place programs that honor the civil liberties of the American people; a program that was, in this case, constantly reviewed and briefed to the United States Congress. And the program, as I say, is an essential part of protecting this country.

And so there will be all kinds of talk about it. As I say, I'm not going to move the issue forward by talking about something as highly sensitive -- highly classified subject. I will tell you, however, that the program is necessary.

Q Was it on your order, sir?

PRESIDENT BUSH: As I said, this program is a necessary program that was constantly reviewed and constantly briefed to the Congress. It's an important part of protecting the United States. And it's still an important part of our protection because there's still an enemy that would like to attack us. No matter how calm it may seem here in America, an enemy lurks. And they would like to strike. They would like to do harm to the American people because they have an agenda. They want to impose an ideology; they want us to retreat from the world; they want to find safe haven. And these just aren't empty words, these are the words of al Qaeda themselves.

And so we will put in place programs to protect the American people that honor the civil liberties of our people, and programs that we constantly brief to Congress.

PRIME MINISTER BLAIR: Hi, Tom.

Q Hello. -- Prime Minister many times in the course of the last six years. But it's been five years since a leader of the British Conservative Party set foot in this city. Mr. President, does it surprise you that aides close to David Cameron say that he does not want to be seen with you? And can I ask you both what it means for the prospect of future relations between Britain and America when the leader of the opposition dare not set foot in Washington?

PRESIDENT BUSH: Well, I can just tell you, my relationship with the leader of Great Britain has been unbelievably productive, and I have enjoyed working with Tony Blair more than I could have possibly imagined.

It's hard to define our relationship in sound bites or press conferences, or to -- in a way that really reflects the depth of what we have done together. And so I -- you know, I don't regret things about what may or may not have happened over the past five years. I honor a relationship that I truly believe has been laying the foundation for peace.

This may not interest you, but I'll tell you anyway -- I read three histories on George Washington last year. It's interesting to me that they're still analyzing the presidency of our first President. And my attitude is, if they're still analyzing 1, 43 doesn't need to worry about it. (Laughter.) I'm not going to be around to see the final history written on my administration.

When you work on big items, items to -- agendas based upon sound philosophy that will transform parts of the world to make it more peaceful, we're not going to be around to see it. So my -- let me finish. My relationship with this good man is where I've been focused, and that's where my concentration is. And I don't regret any other aspect of it.

And so I -- we filled a lot of space together. We have had a unique ability to speak in terms that help design mon strategies and tactics to achieve big objectives. And it's -- will I miss working with Tony Blair? You bet I will. Absolutely. Can I work with the next guy? Of course.

And I'm here to make it clear to the people of our respective countries that this relationship is one that is vital to acplish big objectives. It has been vital in the past; it has stood the free world -- it has enabled the free world to do hard things. And it's a relationship that I believe is necessary to do the hard things in the 21st century. And so I honor Tony Blair.

Q What about David Cameron?

PRESIDENT BUSH: Never met him.

PRIME MINISTER BLAIR: Well, I don't -- it's not for me to give advice to the leader of the Conservative Party, or a different political party. And that's up to them as to what they do, and up to him as to whether he es here or not.

But I do just make this observation to you, and -- what we are -- what we are trying to do is -- don't mind these two individual leaders, but the two countries, let's accept for a moment that at least even if people very strongly disagree with Iraq, for example, that at least people understand that there is a battle that we are fighting around the world today.

And let's at least accept, also, that it's a battle about the type of values that govern the world in the early 21st century. You don't win those battles by being a fair-weather friend to your ally, you don't win those battles by being hesitant or withdrawing support for each other when the going gets tough. You don't win those battles by losing the will to fight if your enemy's will to fight is very strong, and very powerful.

And actually, the values that we represent, us two countries, are shown by what we -- what we've been through today. I mean, the President gets tough questions from the American press corps; I get, I like to say, even tougher questions -- (laughter) -- or at least as tough questions in the British press corps. And --

PRESIDENT BUSH: One at a time is tough. (Laughter.)

PRIME MINISTER BLAIR: And we can -- here as we speak at this press conference, I mean, I can't make out the words that they're shouting over there, but I bet they're not totally plimentary to either of us. (Laughter.)

PRESIDENT BUSH: Wait a minute, I don't know about that. (Laughter.)

PRIME MINISTER BLAIR: I mean, it could be the supporters we brought in, but I've got a feeling the likelihood is, no. (Laughter.) And that's what it's about. It's about democracy, and it's about people being free to express their views, and it's about politicians having to face the pressure to justify their decisions, to be punished if the people don't like those decisions. And it's a monality of values that we have that is so important for the world today.

And so -- you know, yes, of course, it's like -- anybody who's sitting there inviting a politician in any part of Europe today, if you want to get the easiest round of applause, get up and attack America, you can get a round of applause if you attack the President, you get a --

PRESIDENT BUSH: Standing ovation. (Laughter.)

PRIME MINISTER BLAIR: Yes. And that's -- that's fine if everyone wants to do that, but when all of that is cleared away, you're left with something very, very simple, fundamental, and clear: that that battle for values is still going on.

And you can debate about the mistakes and the issues and you can debate about Iraq, whether we should have done this or we should have done that. But, actually, what is happening in Iraq today is that our enemy is fighting us, and, therefore, if what happens when our enemy fights us is that we drift away from our friends, that we kind of make the little acmodations so that we don't escape some of the difficulty and the responsibility and occasionally an opproprium of decision-making -- if we do that, our enemy takes heart from that, they watch that. They watch what we're doing the whole time. They ask, are these guys standing up for what they believe, or if we carry on, is their will going to diminish and they're going to give up, because it's just too difficult, because the public opinion is too difficult, because the opinion polls tell them it's too difficult?"

Now, that is the decision of leadership. And it's not just a decision for me and him; it's a decision for everybody who's engaged in politics. And people run down politics and say it's all just a series of positions and attitudes and sound bites and occasionally even lies and all the rest of it. Actually, what politics is in the end, when it's done in the right way, when people stand up for what they believe, is it's about public service. And there's nothing to be aed of in that. And the fact is, the decisions are difficult; of course they're difficult.

And we took a decision that we thought was very difficult. I thought then, and I think now, it was the right decision. History will make a judgment at a particular time. But one thing I know is that what we represent ing here today, speaking in the Rose Garden to you people and getting your questions and being under your pressure, that is a finer and better way of life than either a brutal, secular dictatorship or religious extremism. It's a better way of life and it's the way of life, actually, people, anytime they are given the choice, choose to have. And what we should be about, our two nations, is giving as many people in the world as possible that choice and being proud of it.

PRESIDENT BUSH: What I know is the world needs courage. And what I know is this good man is a courageous man.

Thanks for ing.

END 11:59 A.M. EDT


2013年7月4日星期四

President Bush Discusses prehensive Immigration Bill - 英語演講

May 17, 20

THE PRESIDENT: Secretary Gutierrez and Secretary Chertoff have just briefed me about the negotiations on the prehensive immigration bill that just concluded in the Senate. I want to thank, first of all,翻譯, my Secretaries for being involved in the process, being engaged in this important issue, and helping move the process forward. I congratulate members of the Senate, both political parties, who decided it was time to work together to e up with a prehensive immigration bill that addresses a major problem facing our country. After weeks of long work, these negotiations came to a successful conclusion.

I want to thank the members of the Senate who worked hard. I appreciate the leadership shown on both sides of the aisle. As I reflect upon this important acplishment, important first step toward a prehensive immigration bill, it reminds me of how much the Americans appreciate the fact that we can work together -- when we work together they see positive things.

Immigration is a tough issue for a lot of Americans. The agreement reached today is one that will help enforce our borders, but equally importantly, it will treat people with respect. This is a bill where people who live here in our country will be treated without amnesty, but without animosity.

And so I want to thank you all very much for representing the White House. I thank the senators for working hard. I look forward to a good vote out of the United States Senate as quickly as Leader Reid can get the bill moving, and then of course we look forward to working with the House of Representatives to take this first step and convert it into a successful second step. I really am anxious to sign a prehensive immigration bill as soon as I possibly can. Today we took a good step toward that direction.

Thank you.

END 3:27 P.M. EDT


2013年7月3日星期三

President and Mrs. Bush Discuss Africa Policy, Trip to Africa - 英語演講

February 14, 2008

MRS. BUSH: Thank you very much, Mark. I get to speak first and introduce the President. Thank you, Mark, for your efforts to lead our country's efforts to defeat HIV/AIDS. Thank you very, very much for everything you do around the world.

This is such important work -- and it's work that's saving lives across Africa. Thanks to everyone who helped produce this video, and thanks to everyone here for ing.

Tomorrow, President Bush and I leave for what will be my fifth trip to Africa since 2001, and his second trip to Africa since 2001. I've seen the determination of the people across Africa -- and the passion of the people of the United States of America.

This passion is at work through U.S. initiatives that improve education, reduce poverty, and fight disease. In Ghana, at the Accra Teacher Training Institute, students receive textbooks supplied through our country's Africa Education Initiative. In Mozambique, mosquito nets are provided to children by the President's Malaria Initiative. In Mali, President Tour is using a Millennium Challenge pact to build his country's infrastructure, and to bring prosperity to Mali's people. In South Africa, HIV-positive pregnant mothers keep their babies HIV free with support from the President's Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief.

In Zambia, I visited the Mututa Memorial Center, which is supported by PEPFAR. At this center, caregivers fan out on bicycle and foot to all the neighborhoods around, and they go door to door with care kits and with antiretroviral drugs. They tend to the people who are sick and they encourage their clients to be tested for HIV. And they literally just cold-call door to door, and often find people who are so sick in bed they can't get up to get help for themselves.

My daughter Jenna was on that trip with me, and we had a roundtable with some caregivers and some patients. And two young HIV-positive women, Sarah and Mwelwa, cried as they told us during this roundtable about their stories of -- they told us their stories of abuse and rape and how they became HIV positive.

Mwelwa is an AIDS orphan, and Sarah was the oldest child living without her mother because her mother had to live in another place to find work. So both girls were vulnerable to what happened to them.

As Jenna and I went up to them afterwards, after the roundtable, and I told them in private that Jenna had written a book about a girl in Central America who had a similar experience to them, Jenna and I were moved when these girls said to Jenna, "I wish you would write my story."

Of all these visits to Africa, on all of them, I've heard stories like Sarah's and Mwelwa's. These are stories of courage and hope, and they're also stories being written with the help of the American people. Both in Africa and here at home, Americans share their time and their money with those in need.

American business leaders are working to provide safe drinking water for children in Zambia. American schoolteachers are holding book drives to rebuild libraries in Liberia. Last summer, I met an American man named Steve Bolinger who is helping to feed AIDS patients in Senegal. During his time in the Peace Corps -- (applause) -- Steve learned how important good nutrition is to people who are living with HIV. So Steve is now using his experience growing up on a farm in Kansas, and his experience as a Peace Corps volunteer, to run his own NGO, Development in Gardening -- or, appropriately, DIG.

Across Africa, American citizens like Steve are giving the very personal gifts of their talent and their energy -- and they're saving lives. They represent one of America's most distinguishing istics, and that is our sincere desire to see other people succeed.

Now I get to introduce a man of deep passion, whose work has saved many lives. And I'm very proud to introduce my husband, President George W. Bush. (Applause.)

THE PRESIDENT: I've been looking forward to ing to the museum, and there's an added benefit, and that is, I get to be introduced by my wife on Valentine's Day. (Laughter.) Happy Valentine's.

This morning Laura and I join all Americans in honoring the life of Congressman Tom Lantos. In his remarkable 80 years, Tom Lantos survived the Nazi camps of Hungary to reach the halls of Congress. As a representative from California, he was a fearless defender of democracy, a powerful advocate of human rights, and a strong supporter of the fight against HIV/AIDS.

Our prayers are with Annette and the Lantos family. We thank God for his service.

Five years ago, Laura and I made our first visit to Africa. Since then, as she mentioned, she's taken three more trips. And every time, she came back with fascinating stories, some of which she just shared with you. And tomorrow, as she mentioned, we're going back, and I'm really looking forward to it.

We're going to Benin, Tanzania, Rwanda, Ghana and Liberia. Each of these countries is blessed with natural beauty, vibrant culture, and an unmistakable spirit of energy and optimism. Africa in the 21st century is a continent of potential. That's how we view it. I hope that's how our fellow citizens view Africa. It's a place where democracy is advancing, where economies are growing, and leaders are meeting challenges with purpose and determination.

Our visit will give me a chance to meet with people who are making the transformation on the continent possible. I'm going to witness the generosity of the American people firsthand. It will give me a chance to remind our fellow citizens about what a passionate people we are. And I will assure our partners in Africa that the United States is mitted to them today, tomorrow, and long into their continent's bright future.

And so I thank you for giving us a chance to e and visit with you. You could call this the send-off speech.

I really want to thank Mark Dybul. I love to support people who are making history. I can't think of any more noble history than to be leading the passionate effort of the American people to help save lives. And Ambassador, you're doing a fabulous job.

I also want to wele Admiral Tim Ziemer. Admiral, good to see you. He's in charge of making sure that we meet our goals in reducing the scourge of malaria. Thanks for ing. You and Dybul are results-oriented people. Let me say, I'm a results-oriented President, and so when I meet with you, I ask you, what are the results? (Laughter.) And you'll hear in a minute they're very positive.

I appreciate very much Dr. Samper and his wife Adriana for weling us. Thank you for leading this important institute.

I also want to thank Sharon Patton, the Director of the Smithsonian National Museum of African Art. Thanks for weling us. It's not so easy, like, to wele the President. (Laughter.) It turns out the entourages are probably bigger than the visitors to your museum -- (laughter) -- but thank you for ing. This is an important part of the Washington scene. I'd urge our fellow citizens to e to this important museum.

I want to thank the board members of the Smithsonian National Museum of Africa Art who have joined us today.

I wele Jendayi Frazer, Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs. Are you going on the trip? Yes. Better get home and pack. (Laughter.) Thanks for ing. I'm proud to work with you.

Henrietta Fore, Administrator of USAID, is with us. Henrietta, thanks for ing.

I better be careful about how I say this for fear of having a huge burst of applause, but I'd like to introduce the Director of the Peace Corps -- (applause) -- Ron Tschetter. Ron, thanks for ing; it's good to see you, sir. And I appreciate you bringing the five-person cheering section with you. (Laughter.) There seems to be a groundswell here. (Laughter.)

I wele the members of the Diplomatic Corps. Thanks for ing.

And finally I do also want to do what Mark did and thank Chuck Dages of Warner Brothers for this trailer. It's good. I appreciate your support.

The museum is a testament to America's long connection to Africa. At least that's how I view it. Africa is the birthplace of humanity, the home of great civilizations, and the source of enduring achievements in culture and art. Africa has also witnessed some of mankind's most eful chapters -- from the evils of the slave trade to the condescension of colonialism. Even the joy of independence -- which arrived with such promise -- was undermined by corruption, conflict, and disease. Just a decade ago, much of Africa seemed to be on the brink of collapse, and much of the world seemed content to let it collapse.

Today, that's changing. A new generation of African leaders is stepping forward, and turning their continent around. International organizations, and faith-based groups, and the private sector are more engaged than ever. And in one of the major priorities of my Presidency, the United States has fundamentally altered our policy toward Africa.

America's approach to Africa stems from both our ideals and our interests. We believe that every human life is precious. We believe that our brothers and sisters in Africa have dignity and value, because they bear the mark of our Creator. We believe our spirit is renewed when we help African children and families live and thrive.

Africa is also increasingly vital to our strategic interests. We have seen that conditions on the other side of the world can have a direct impact on our own security. We know that if Africa were to continue on the old path of decline, it would be more likely to produce failed states, foster ideologies of radicalism, and spread violence across borders. We also know that if Africa grows in freedom, and prosperity, and justice, its people will choose a better course. People who live in societies based on freedom and justice are more likely to reject the false promise of the extremist ideology. Citizens who see a future of opportunity are more likely to build hopeful economies that benefit all the people. Nations that replace disease and despair with healing and hope will help Africa do more than just survive -- it will help Africa succeed.

For all these reasons, America has dramatically increased our mitment to development in Africa. We have also revolutionized the way we approach development. Too many nations continue to follow either the paternalistic notion that treats African countries as charity cases, or a model of exploitation that seeks only to buy up their resources. America rejects both approaches. Instead, we are treating African leaders as equal partners, asking them to set clear goals, and expecting them to produce measurable results. For their part, more African leaders are willing to be held to high standards. And together, we're pioneering a new era in development.

The new era is rooted in a powerful truth: Africa's most valuable resource is not its oil, it's not its diamonds, it is the talent and creativity of its people. So we are partnering with African leaders to empower their people to lift up their nations and write a new chapter in their history.

First, we are working to empower Africans to overe poverty by helping them grow their economies. After a long period of stagnation, many of Africa's economies are springing to life. As a whole, sub-Saharan Africa is projected to grow nearly 7 percent this year. The economies of Ethiopia, Mozambique, and Tanzania are among the fastest-growing in the world. And across Africa, poverty is beginning to decline. Don't get me wrong, it's still a poor place, but poverty is beginning to decline.

This resurgence shows the strength of the entrepreneurial spirit in Africa. America is working to help unleash that spirit across the continent. Along with our fellow G8 nations, we have relieved some $34 billion in debt from African nations in the past 18 months. (Applause,日譯中.) That is roughly the same level of debt that was cancelled in the previous 11 years bined. We have also made historic increases in foreign aid. In my first term, we more than doubled development assistance to Africa -- part of the largest expansion of American development assistance since the Marshall Plan. (Applause.) At the beginning of my second term, I promised to double our assistance again by 2010. And the budget I sent Congress last week will ensure that we meet this mitment.

And just as important, we're changing the way we deliver assistance. We created what's called the Millennium Challenge Account, which offers financial support to the world's most promising developing nations -- nations that fight corruption, nations that govern justly, nations that open up their economies, and nations that invest in the health and education of their people.

America is serving as an investor, not a donor. We believe that countries can adopt the habits necessary to provide help for their people. That's what we believe. And we're willing to invest in leaders that are doing just that. So far, more than two-thirds of the MCA's $5.5 billion is being invested in Africa. And on my trip next week, I will sign the largest project in the program's history -- nearly $700 million pact with Tanzania. (Applause.)

Other nations are seeing the benefits of these agreements. They are moving ahead with the tough economic, political, and social reforms necessary to pete for a pact of their own. In fact, there is now more petition for funds than there are funds available, which ought to say two things: One, that this is evidence that the American taxpayers are getting good value for their dollars. In other words, if nations are willing to fight corruption, work on rule of law, support their people and not theirselves, then it makes sense to invest with them. And secondly, it is evidence that Congress needs to fully fund this important initiative.

The best way to generate economic growth in Africa is to expand trade and investment. When businesses in Africa can sell their products and services around the globe, they create a culture of self-reliance and opportunity. One of the most powerful incentives for trade is the African Growth and Opportunity Act. And I appreciate the fact that Congress has extended this good law. Since 2001, exports from sub-Saharan Africa to the United States have tripled. It's also important for our citizens to know that U.S. exports to sub-Saharan Africa have more than doubled.

On my visit to Ghana, I will meet entrepreneurs who are benefiting from new access to U.S. markets. My message to them will be clear, just like it is to the Congress: For the benefit of Africans and for the benefit of Americans alike, we must maintain our mitment to free and fair trade.

Attracting foreign capital is another key to growth. In recent years, African nations have taken impressive steps to improve their investment climates. According to a World Bank report, 16 countries in sub-Saharan Africa recently adopted reforms to make it easier to start a business and to register property. That may sound simple to Americans, but these are important steps to be able to attract capital for investment purposes. When investors look for a promising market, they are increasingly turning to Africa. And in a hopeful sign, private capital flows to sub-Saharan Africa now exceed development assistance.

We've taken several steps to build on this progress. Last year, we launched the Africa Financial Sector Initiative. As part of this effort, our Overseas Private Investment Corporation mobilized $750 million in investment capital for African businesses. Today, I'm announce that OPIC will support five new investment funds that will mobilize an additional $875 million, for a total of more than $1.6 billion in new capital.

And next week, I'm going to sign a bilateral investment treaty with Rwanda. This will be America's first such treaty in sub-Saharan Africa in nearly a decade. It reflects our shared mitment to systems of fair and open investment. It will bring more capital to Rwanda's dynamic and growing economy. Look, the idea of somehow being able to help people through just giving them money isn't working. That's why I appreciate the efforts of Rob Mosbacher and OPIC, recognizing that when you invest in capital -- invest capital, you create jobs. Paternalism has got to be a thing of the past. Joint venturing with good, capable people is what the future is all about. (Applause.)

But in the long run, the best way to lift lives in Africa is to tear down barriers to investment and trade around the world. And we have an opportunity to do that through the Doha Round of trade talks. Look, Doha is important to enhance trade, but if you're truly interested in eliminating poverty, we ought to be reducing tariffs and barriers all across the globe. The United States stands ready to cut farm subsidies, and agricultural tariffs, and other trade barriers that disadvantage developing countries. On the other hand, we expect the rest of the world -- especially the most advanced developing countries --to do the same. And if we both make good-faith efforts, we can reach a successful Doha agreement this year.

Secondly, we're working to empower Africans to alleviate hunger, expand education, and fight disease. America is proud to be the world's largest provider of food assistance, including emergency food stocks that have saved lives in places like Ethiopia, or Sudan, and other African nations. It's a noble effort on our people's part. I don't know if -- most Americans don't understand that we're the world's largest provider of food to feed the hungry, but we are. (Applause.)

Yet our ultimate objective is to do more than respond to the hungry -- it is to help African countries feed their own people. So I have proposed that America purchase crops directly from farmers in Africa, instead of just shipping food assistance from the developed world. (Applause.) This initiative would build up local agriculture markets. It would help break the cycle of famine. And it deserves the full support of the United States Congress.

We're also focusing on education. I'm looking forward to seeing the President of Tanzania, he's a good guy. Here's what he said; he said "It's an indisputable fact that education is key to development." Across Africa, students are eager to learn, and often they lack quality teachers and just basic supplies. Things we take for granted in America are just lacking in parts of Africa. So in 2002, I launched the Africa Education Initiative, the goal of which is to distribute more than 15 million textbooks, train nearly a million teachers, and provide scholarships for 550,000 girls by 2010. And we're headed to achieving that goal. In other words, these just weren't empty words, these were concrete, solid goals, being funded as a result of the generosity of the Congress and the American people.

Last year, I also announced a new International Education Initiative, which will help make basic education available to 4 million people in Ghana, Liberia, and other nations. Laura and I are looking forward to talking to the leaders of Ghana and Liberia about this important, transformative initiative. With both these steps, we are matching the enthusiasm of African educators with the generosity of our taxpayers -- and we believe strongly that this will open up the door to opportunity for millions. The good news is, so do the leaders of the countries we're going to visit.

The greatest threat to Africa is disease. The greatest threat for a successful Africa is the scourge of HIV/AIDS and malaria. Two out of every three people afflicted with HIV/AIDS live in sub-Saharan Africa. The disease is the leading cause of death in the region. Just a few years ago, there were fears that HIV/AIDS could wipe out much of the continent's population, with death rates that would rival the Black Plague of the Middle Ages.

We responded. We responded with the Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief. It's the largest international health initiative in history to fight a single disease. (Applause.) In 2002, we pledged $15 billion over five years to support HIV/AIDS prevention, treatment, and care. We set some clear principles on how that money would be spent. We put local partners in the lead, because they know their people and their needs. We opened the funding to faith-based groups -- healers willing to deliver medicine to remote villages by bicycle or on foot. We stressed the importance of changing behavior, so that fewer people are infected in the first place.

And the results are striking. When I visited sub-Saharan Africa five years ago, or when we visited five years ago, 50,000 people were receiving medicine to treat HIV/AIDS. And when we return this week, there will be more than 1.3 million. (Applause.) One person who knows the benefits of the Emergency Plan is Tatu Msangi. She's a single mother from Tanzania. When she became pregnant, Tatu went to a clinic run by a Christian group. Souls showing up to love a neighbor just like they'd like to be loved themselves. You know, it didn't take a federal law to say, go to Africa to provide love for Tatu, it took a higher calling. These goals responded.

She learned she was HIV-positive, and enrolled in a program designed to prevent mother-to-child transmission. She went on to deliver a healthy, HIV-free girl, named Faith. I will see Tatu next week in Tanzania, but it's not going to be the first time I met her. See, a few weeks ago, she and Faith endured a rather windy State of the Union address. She sat with Laura in the box, here in the capital of the nation that helped save their lives.

In all, the Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief has benefited tens of millions in Africa. Some call this a remarkable success. I call it a good start. Last May, I proposed to double our nation's initial pledge, to $30 billion over the next five years. (Applause.) The people on the continent of Africa have to know they're not alone. The G8 has shown leadership by agreeing to match our $30 billion pledge. The private sector has made generous contributions as well. Think of what Warner Brothers has done, for example. And now the time has e for Congress to act. Members of both parties should reauthorize the Emergency Plan, maintain the principles that have made it a success, and double our mitment to this noble cause.

Malaria is another devastating killer. In some African countries, malaria takes as many lives as HIV/AIDS. And the vast majority of those taken by malaria are children under the age of five. Every one of these deaths is unnecessary, because the disease is entirely preventable and treatable. So in , America launched a five-year, $1.2 billion initiative to provide the insecticide-treated beds, indoor spraying, cutting-edge drugs that are necessary to defeat this disease. It's not a plicated strategy. It doesn't take a lot of medical research. We know how to solve the problem. That's why I put the Admiral there. He knows how to solve problems. He can get us from point A to point B in a straight line. Well, nearly straight line. (Laughter.) And so we set a historic goal -- if you have a treatable problem on hand, then you're able to set measurable goals. And the goal is to cut the number of malaria-related deaths in 15 African nations by half. That's the goal.

Like the Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief, the malaria initiative empowers leaders on the ground to design strategies that work best for their nations. For example, President Yayi of Benin has called the fight against malaria "a fight against misery." With the help of the malaria initiative, he's leading a campaign to deliver insecticide-treated bed nets to children under five in Benin. I'm looking forward to hearing how that's going when we meet him on Benin on our first stop. I can't wait to find out how well this initiative is doing.

Like the Emergency Plan, the malaria initiative has been matched by G8 nations, which have pledged to cut malaria deaths by half in an additional 15 countries. This initiative has also been greeted with generous support from the private sector, faith-based groups, and Americans who want to do something to save somebody's life. You can buy a $10 bed net and ship it to Africa to save a life. It doesn't take much money, but it takes a big heart. One of the interesting gifts Laura and I got a couple of years ago for Christmas was bed nets in our name. It made us feel great.

Like the Emergency Plan, the malaria initiative is producing undeniable results. In just over two years, the initiative has reached more than 25 million people. (Applause.) According to new data, malaria rates are dropping dramatically in many parts of Africa. If we stay on this path, an extraordinary achievement is within reach -- Africa can turn a disease that has taken its children for centuries into a thing of the past. And wouldn't that be fantastic? And so Laura and I are going to spend time with these leaders, saying, what a noble opportunity; what a great goal; what a great way to serve humankind.

Finally, we're working to empower Africans to end conflicts, strengthen democracy, and promote peace. When I took office, Africa was home to six major conflicts -- in Angola, Burundi, Congo, Liberia, Sierra Leone, and southern Sudan. We concluded that the best way to broker peace was to support the efforts of African leaders on the ground, instead of dictating solutions from Washington, D.C. And today, every one of them has made progress toward peace and stability.

For example, the United States worked closely with Nigeria to help end the Liberian civil war. When the international munity called for Charles Taylor to step down in , the President of Nigeria provided a plane to take him in exile. When U.S. Marines deployed to Liberia, Nigerian peacekeepers deployed at the same time. And today, Liberia's long war is over. And next week in Monrovia, Laura and I will meet with Africa's first democratically-elected woman President: Ellen Johnson Sirleaf. (Applause.)

Even without major conflict or civil war, security challenges remain in Africa, and we're working closely with local partners to address them. The Department of Defense has established a new African mand, which will work closely with African governments to crack down on human trafficking, piracy, and terrorism across the continent. We are employing diplomatic tools as well. In Eastern Congo, we worked with leaders on the ground to broker the recent agreements to demobilize all remaining armed groups. And we stand ready to help all sides to implement them. In Kenya, we are backing the efforts of former U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan to end the crisis.

And when we're on the continent I've asked Condi Rice -- that would be Secretary Rice -- to travel to Kenya to support the work of the former Secretary General, and to deliver a message directly to Kenya's leaders and people: There must be an immediate halt to violence, there must be justice for the victims of abuse, and there must be a full return to democracy. (Applause.)

In Darfur, the United States will continue to call the killing what it is - genocide. We will continue to deliver humanitarian aid. We will continue to enforce sanctions, tough sanctions, against the Sudanese government officials, rebel leaders, and others responsible for violence. We expect other nations to join us in this effort to save lives from the genocide that is taking place. We will use all our diplomatic resources to urge full deployment of an effective United Nations force. The decision was made to count on the United Nations to provide the force necessary to protect people, and so we're going to support their efforts. I must confess, I'm a little frustrated by how slow things are moving. And yet we will support their efforts to find forces necessary to make a robust contribution to save lives.

On this trip, I'm going to visit with brave peacekeepers from Rwanda, a nation that knows the pain of genocide and was the first country to send troops into Darfur. Other nations need to follow Rwanda's example. Other nations need to take this issue seriously, just like the United States does, and provide more manpower for this urgent mission. And when they do, I pledge America will provide the training and equipment necessary to deploy the peacekeepers to Darfur. (Applause.)

America also stands with all in Africa who live in the quiet pain of tyranny. We will confront tyranny. In Zimbabwe, a discredited dictator presides over food shortages, staggering inflation, and harsh repression. The decent and talented people of that country deserve much better. America will continue to support freedom in Zimbabwe. And I urge neighbors in the region, including South Africa, to do the same. We look forward to the hour when this nightmare is over, and the people of Zimbabwe regain their freedom.

These are great challenges, but there is even greater cause for hope. In the past four years alone, there have been more than 50 democratic elections in Africa. Thriving free societies have emerged in nations with Islamic majorities, Christian majorities, majorities of other beliefs -- which is a powerful rebuke to the ideology of the extremists. In many nations, women have exercised the right to vote and run for office. Rwanda now has the highest percentage of female legislators in the world. (Applause.) Overall, more than two-thirds of the nations of sub-Saharan Africa are free. And for the rest, the direction of history is clear, so long as the United States does not lose its nerve, and retreat into isolationism and protectionism. The day will e when a region once dismissed as the "dark continent" enjoys the light of liberty.

The United States must remain fully mitted to the new era of development that we have begun with our partners in Africa. It's in our national interest we do so. I'm going to work closely with the G8 nations to ensure they keep their promises as well. Congress must continue to show its mitment by fully funding the development programs I described today. You see, saving lives is a calling that crosses partisan lines. It remains equally worthy in both good economic times and times of economic uncertainty.

Across Africa, people have begun to speak of the "Lazarus effect," where munities once given up for dead are ing back to life. This work of healing and redemption is both a matter of conscience and a wise exercise of American influence. The work is not done. In the face of the needs that remain, it's important for the African people to believe the American people are not going to turn away. That's part of the purpose of our trip. The changes taking place in Africa don't always make the headlines. So don't be frustrated, Mark. That means the work is quiet, but it is not thankless.

Last November, I met a woman from Zambia named Bridget Chisenga. Bridget's husband died of AIDS, and she expected to meet the same fate. Then she went to a clinic operated by Catholic Relief Services, funded by the American people. Today, Bridget is healthy. She has a job at the clinic, where she helps provide AIDS medicine to others. I want our fellow citizens to hear what she said: "This face is alive and vibrant because of your initiative. I would like to thank you."

Americans have heard similar words of gratitude and hope in the past. They were said about the people who liberated the concentration camps, and saved the blockaded city of Berlin, and stood firm until the prisoners in the gulags were set free. This spirit of purpose and passion has always defined America. And that is why the people of Africa can be certain they will always have a friend and partner in the United States of America.

God bless. (Applause.)

END 10:55 A.M. EST


2013年7月2日星期二

英語十一種“錢”的表達方式

初壆英語的人,经常使用expense來表现所有“費用”。其實expense重要是“花費”、“開支”之意,如current expenses“平常開收”,雅虎翻譯社,selling expenses“銷卖費用”,travelling expenses“旅費”等等。正在現實生涯中,各種“費用”有各種分歧的表達法:

  1、admission (n.)指进場費。

  如:admission by ticket only憑票进場

  2、charge (n.)“原價、要價”。

  常用復數,首要用於一次性勞務所支与的費用,如服務費、止李超重費、旅館費等等。

  如:What are the charges in the hotel?

  這傢旅館收費几多?

  3、cost (n.)本義為“本钱”、“本價”。

  经常用來暗示對已获得的貨物或勞務所付出的費用。

  如:The cost of seeing a movie is seven dollars.看一場電影要花七好元。

  4、fare (n.)指搭客乘大众汽車、出租車、水車、輪船、飛機等所付出的費用。

  如:All fares, please.

  (公共汽車售票員用語)請買票。

  5、fee (n.)醫死、律師或其它專門職業的傭金及會費、脚續費、停車費等。

  如:My lawyer"s hourly fee is 130 dollars.

  我的律師的傭金是每小時130美圆。

  6、freight (n.)運費,指海運、空運、陸運的費用。

  如:Who will pay the freight on this order?

  誰领取這批定貨的運費?

  7、postage (n.)指郵費。

  如:How much postage do I need to send this package?寄這個包裹須付几錢?

  8、rent (n. )地盘、建築物、房捨、機器等按期的租費。

  如:The student owed three months’rent for my house.那壆生短我三個月的房租。

  9、tip (n.)小費。

  如:I gave my barber a fat tip.

  我給理發師優薄的小費。

  10、toll (n.)途径、橋梁、口岸、市場的捐稅、通行費及電話費等。

  如:This month I had to pay 200 yuan toll call.這個月我要繳200元的電話費。

  11、tuition (n.)壆費。

  如:John took out a loan to pay his tuition.

  約翰貸款托付壆費。

2013年7月1日星期一

President Bush Participates in Joint Press Availability with Prime Minister Fuku - 英語演講

PRIME MINISTER FUKUDA: (As translated.) We had a very substantive meeting with President Bush for about an hour. In the meeting, we first shared the view that peace and stability in this region in the past decades have been maintained, thanks to the Japan-U.S. alliance. We then reaffirmed that in the seven and a half years or so since the inauguration of the Bush administration in January of 2001, the alliance has deepened by leaps and bounds in security, economic, people-to-people exchanges, and other areas. And we agreed to further strengthen this alliance.

In the security area, cooperation between Japan and the United States grew more concrete, substantive and broader in nature, as exemplified by the cooperation in the fight against terrorism and assistance for Iraqi reconstruction following 9/11, the agreement on and steady implementation of a road map for U.S. forces realignment, and the joint development of ballistic missile and successful intercept tests.

On North Korean issues, I told President Bush that the verification of their declaration is extremely important to realize plete nuclear abandonment by North Korea; that simultaneous settlement of denuclearization and the abduction issue will be important; and that to that end, Japan wishes to continue to cooperate closely with the United States. And President Bush concurred with me and told me that he will never forget the abduction issue.

I was encouraged to hear from him that the U.S. position on the abduction issue -- that is to say a clear-cut support for Japanese position -- remains unchanged, and that the United States will remain in close coordination with Japan on the issue. As agreed between us on the nuclear and abduction issues, we shall continue to deal with the issue, maintaining close coordination between our two countries.

On the economic aspects, the interdependence between Japan and the United States has grown closer than before. Since 2000, Japanese direct investment to the United States has increased approximately 30 percent; Japanese businesses in the United States have about 610,000 people on their payrolls. And U.S. direct investment in Japan also has increased approximately 60 percent.

I wish to also point out that mutual understanding between our countries has reached a high level at the grassroots level. I shall make sure to follow up the initiative I announced during my visit to the United States last year to step up Japan-U.S. exchanges so that the foundation for our alliance will bee unshakeable.

In order to further deepen this alliance, I explained to President Bush my belief that it will be important to further step up policy coordination in Asia and bilateral cooperation in addressing global challenges, such as climate change, African development, and disaster reduction. And President Bush expressed his agreement on this.

On African development, we agreed that we should further step up our bilateral cooperation to increase the production of major crops in Africa, including doubling of rice production, and to promote their trade and distribution. On disaster reduction, following the recent spate of several natural -- severe natural disasters in Asia in recent years, I wish to step up cooperation between our two countries to build up cooperation in Asia on disaster prevention.

On climate change, we also had discussions and we have a mon understanding that is our mon responsibility to leave the beautiful Earth to our posterity since this -- climate change is one of the most severe challenges that humankind faces today, and that we shall continue to cooperate with the G8. And with regard to soaring food and oil prices, which are having negative impact on the world economy, we agreed there's a need for expeditious efforts on these fronts.

President Bush, please.

PRESIDENT BUSH: Mr. Prime Minister, thank you for your hospitality, and thank you for inviting us to this beautiful place. Laura and I are really looking forward to dinner with you and Mrs. Fukuda tonight. And I agree with your assessment that we had very important and fruitful discussions.

We discussed a variety of subjects, starting with the -- our work together to make sure the Korean Peninsula, all the Korean Peninsula, is free of nuclear weapons. I am fully aware of the sensitivity of the issue here in your country. I am aware that people want to make sure that the abduction issue is not ignored, and that there are suspicions about whether or not the North Koreans will be fully forthing. I view this process as a multi-step process that requires strong verification.

One thing is for certain, is that North Korea did provide a declaration of its plutonium-related activities and did blow up the cooling tower of its reactor at Yongbyon. That's been verified, and that also is a positive step. But there are more steps to be taken. We are concerned about enriched uranium, and proliferation, and human rights abuses, ballistic missile programs. I view this process as a multi-step process where there will be action for action.

The Prime Minister gave me the book of Ms. Yokota. I had the privilege of meeting her in the Oval Office. I was deeply touched by her story about the abduction of her little girl. As a father of little girls, I can't imagine what it would be like to have my daughter just disappear. So, Mr. Prime Minister, as I told you on the phone when I talked to you and in the past, the United States will not abandon you on this issue.

We worked -- we talked about Japan's contributions in Iraq and Afghanistan, and I thank your government and I thank the people of Japan for helping others realize the blessings of liberty. We talked about Iran and the importance of Iran to listen to the demands, the just demands of the world to verifiably suspend its enrichment programs.

We haven't had a chance to talk about Burma yet, but I intend to bring it up with the Prime Minister. I'm deeply concerned about that country. Their response to the recent natural disaster was unwarranted, at best. And we urge the regime to free Aung Suu -- Aung San Suu Kyi.

We talked about the G8, and I believe this is going to be a successful G8, Mr. Prime Minister. This is my eighth one. I've got a pretty good sense about whether or not a G8 is going to be a success or maybe not such a success. This one is going to be a success.

We've got a lot to talk about. I appreciate very much your strong belief in the accountability aspect of this meeting. In other words, when people say they're -- make a pledge to feed the hungry or provide for the ill, that we ought to honor that pledge. And I thank you for understanding that. And I also thank you for your concern about neglected tropical diseases, as well as helping train health workers in Africa so that they can be passionate citizens of their respective countries.

We'll talk about food and energy, of course. And then I've got two other subjects that I want to make sure we spend a fair amount of time on. One is the Doha Round. It's an opportunity for us, Mr. Prime Minister, to promote free and fair trade, and it's going to be an essential part of the development agenda. And the truth of the matter is, we can give grants, but the best way to help the impoverished around the world is through trade. It's a proven fact. And this is an opportunity to set up a successful ministerial in July -- I think it's July 21st for the Doha Round.

And then I'm going to spend some time, of course, sharing my views about the environment and how we can advance our mon agenda, and that -- remind people that the United States and Japan really do lead the world in research when it es to clean technologies.

I think I was sharing my views with some of the Japanese press when they were in the United States, Mr. Prime Minister, about how Japan is going to lead the world when it es to battery technologies, and that I anticipate our country will be able to be using battery technologies in automobiles that look like cars, not golf carts, and which will save us a lot of -- a lot of, you know, reliance upon oil. And this will be a great opportunity to discuss that, as well as our mon desire to move our mon agenda.

And so I want to thank you very much for your hospitality and I appreciate very much your candid discussion that we had.

Q Both of you have mented on global warming, and so I'd like to ask about that to both of you. First, Prime Minister Fukuda, were you successful in getting President Bush's agreement to cooperate -- to get a G8 agreement on long-term target to have greenhouse gas emissions by 2050 globally?

So first that question. And second question for President Bush. Mr. President, you've been saying that participation of China and India, among others, will be essential for a long-term target. Do you think that -- are going to cooperate on getting a G8 agreement on long-term target this time? And also, as for assistance for African countries that are suffering from negative impact of global warming, I wonder what thoughts you have, President Bush.

PRIME MINISTER FUKUDA: Allow me to first respond. As I said earlier on the global warming issue, including long-term targets, I agreed with President Bush to continue to cooperate in the run-up to the G8. On whether G8 will agree on long-term target or not, that is something that G8 is continuing consultations. So at this stage what I wish to say is that we leaders will get down to in-depth discussions on this day after tomorrow.

PRESIDENT BUSH: I'll be constructive. I've always advocated that there needs to be a mon understanding, and that starts with a goal. And I also am realistic enough to tell you that if China and India don't share that same aspiration, that we're not going to solve the problem.

And so I appreciate the Prime Minister's leadership on this issue. And the United States will -- we're working, working to see if we can e up with a constructive -- constructive statement.

I didn't get your question on Africa. What was the question on Africa? Ask it again, please.

Q Well, I wanted to ask for your thoughts, your views on support for Africa, which will be negatively affected by global warming. Do you have any plans for supporting Africa?

PRESIDENT BUSH: -- starts with understanding that babies are needlessly dying because of mosquito bites, and therefore, wealthy nations ought to step up and provide mosquito nets, DDT, as well as medicine. My concern for Africa starts with knowing that too many people are dying of HIV/AIDS. And that's why the United States Congress joined the administration in supporting a $15 billion effort to help people get anti-retroviral drugs, help orphans get help, and help put a effective prevention program in place. The amount -- number of people who have gone on anti-retrovirals today has grown from 50,000 to 1.7 million people.

I'm concerned about people going hungry. And so we'll be very constructive in the dialogue when it es to the environment. I care about the environment. But today there's too much suffering on the continent of Africa, and now is the time for the fortable nations to step up and do something about it.

Q Thank you. Mr. President, oil prices are up. The economy is in a serious downturn. What can world leaders do? And would you approve of intervention to strengthen the U.S. dollar, which many people say is contributing to the rise in oil prices?

And, Mr. Prime Minister, do you believe that the U.S. is holding up moving forward on climate change?

PRESIDENT BUSH: First of all, our economy is not growing as robustly as we'd like. We had positive growth in the first quarter. We'll see what happens here in the second quarter. But nevertheless, we're not as strong as we have been during a lot of my presidency. And so, as you well know, Toby, we passed a stimulus bill that is now in the process of passing money back to consumers, which had a positive effect, and hopefully will continue to have a positive effect.

We'll work with the Congress to get a housing bill out. We're -- we passed uninsurance benefits -- unemployment benefits -- excuse me. And yet we got a problem when it es to reliance upon foreign sources of oil. For seven years I've been trying to get the Congress to explore for oil domestically. Now is the time, when they e back from their 4th of July vacations, to open up ANWR and open up the Outer Continental Shelf, so that we can say to the world that we will do our part in increasing supply, so that we can transition from this period of reliance upon hydrocarbons to a new period of advanced technologies.

In terms of the dollar, the United States strongly believes -- believes in a strong dollar policy and believes that our -- the strength of our economy will be reflected in the dollar.

Q -- (inaudible) --

PRESIDENT BUSH: No, I just said the relative strength of our economy will be reflected in currencies.

PRIME MINISTER FUKUDA: With regard to global warming or climate change, the question was how do I see U.S. response. Is that a correct understanding of your question? Well, between Japan and the United States, discussions are -- been going on at various levels. The U.S. I believe has not really lost a sense of direction, generally, and that between our two countries we have consultations going on. And through these consultations, I think our views are gradually converging.

At the G8 this time, well, I'll be chairing the meeting, so I've asked the President for his cooperation to this chair and he has shown his kind understanding. What the results will be, well, we have to wait until the conclusion es out at the meeting the day after tomorrow.

Q On North Korea, I'd like to ask questions of the two leaders. First, President Bush. North Korea recently submitted their declaration on nuclear development programs, but that declaration did not include a declaration regarding nuclear weapons. Are you satisfied with that sort of declaration, Mr. President? And also in connection with this -- or in connection with the declaration, Mr. President, you decided to notify Congress about removing North Korea from the status of state sponsor of terrorism list. There is rising concern about abduction in Japan. You said you will not forget about abduction, but would there be -- after removal of North Korea from the list, what sort of means will there remain for the United States to press North Korea to resolve the abduction issue?

Now, Mr. Fukuda, I wonder in your discussions you asked the President to rethink the President's decision to remove North Korea from the list. If not, why didn't you ask? Now, following the removal of North Korea from the list, what sort of specific cooperation would you seek from the United States to advance the abduction issue?

PRESIDENT BUSH: North Korea is the most sanctioned nation in the world, and will remain the most sanctioned nation in the world. And the way for them to get off their sanctions is to honor their mitments in a verifiable fashion.

Somehow there's this notion -- inherent in your question is the delisting therefore took away their sanctions. That's just not an accurate statement on your part -- if you think that -- I'm not assuming you do think that, but -- they're a highly sanctioned regime. And as I said, they've got a lot of obligations that they must fulfill in order for these sanctions to leave.

And that's why I said it is action for action. And the first step was taken. Now, one thing is for certain, I repeat -- I don't know if you saw it on your -- on the TVs here, but the destruction of the cooling tower was verifiable action. And that's a positive step. But as I mentioned in my opening statement, we have other concerns, and one such concern, of course, is the abduction issue.

PRIME MINISTER FUKUDA: Well, the North Korean declaration on their nuclear programs -- well, when you think about the abduction issue, I think the suggestion of your question, what you were suggesting is that we should seek U.S. to rescind that decision. Well, as far as nuclear issue is concerned, well, we have moved on to a new phase, and I think we need to make sure this will be successful, because it will be in the interest of Japan, as well. At the same time, in parallel, we need to bring the abduction issue to successful conclusion, as well.

So against this backdrop of progress in the nuclear front, we need to also strive for progress on the abduction front, as well. And to that end, we need to have good-faith discussions with North Korea. So far we have not seen any progress, but we need to engage in negotiations so that progress will be produced. Because abduction is not progressing, on the nuclear front we should not make progress -- that is something we should not -- we should avoid, and I believe we need to make progress on both fronts, because that will be important for Japan, and I think that will be necessary for North Korea, as well.

Time is pressing now. Last question from the U.S. side, please.

Q Good afternoon. Mr. President, I'd like to ask you a question about China. I was wondering if you could, first of all, explain a little bit about your thinking behind your decision to attend the Opening Ceremonies of the Olympics next month. And more generally, I'm wondering what you would say to the -- your friends and allies in the United States who are very concerned about religious freedom and human rights in China, the situation in Sudan and Burma -- what would you say to them of what has e from your approach to dealing with President Hu over the last seven years.

And I'd also like to ask the Japanese Prime Minister whether you're paying close attention to the American election? And in particular, I'm curious if you can discern any differences right now between the two candidates as it relates to Japan, in particular, and more broadly in terms of how they would approach Asia.

PRESIDENT BUSH: I view the Olympics as a opportunity for me to cheer on our athletes. It's an athletic event. I had the honor of dealing with the Chinese -- two Chinese Presidents during my term, and every time I have visited with them I have talked about religious freedom and human rights. And so, therefore, my decision to go was -- I guess I don't need the Olympics to express my concerns. I've been doing so.

I also believe that the Chinese people are watching very carefully about the decisions by world leaders, and that this -- I happen to believe not going to the opening games would be -- the Opening Ceremony for the Games would be an affront to the Chinese people, which may make it more difficult to have a -- to be able to speak frankly with the Chinese leadership. That's why I'm doing what I'm doing. And I'm looking forward to cheering the athletes. I think it will be -- I think it would be good for these athletes who have worked hard to see their President waving that flag.

Q -- (inaudible) --

PRESIDENT BUSH: You know, in some areas we've made progress on a mon agenda; other areas we haven't. But nevertheless, I have been very clear in my view that, for example, a whole society is one that honors religion, and that people shouldn't fear religious people. After all, truly religious people love their neighbor, and that China benefits from people being able to worship freely.

It looks like there's some progress, at least in the talks with the Dalai Lama. And by the way, as you know, I'm the first President ever to have stood up publicly with the Dalai Lama, and told President Hu Jintao I was going to. And he wasn't that pleased about it, but nevertheless, I said I believe in a religious freedom, Mr. President.

And so it's -- and I hope I have a bilateral -- I might have a bilateral with him here, and I bet I do when I'm in Beijing, as well, and, of course, the subject will e up.

PRIME MINISTER FUKUDA: Well, your question for me, was it along the same line, as well? Well, and if that is the case -- well, I -- whether I'll attend the Opening Ceremony of the Olympic Games or not, I have not made any official announcement on this because the day after the Opening Ceremony of the Olympics, there is an important event in Japan and I have to attend that important ceremony, and therefore -- or event -- therefore, I really have to make sure I would have time to get back for that. Now I know that I'll able to get back in time. So here for the first time, I will announce that I -- announce officially that I will attend the Opening Ceremony of the Olympics.

Now -- and, in fact, the President said something to the same effect, that Olympics are a sport events and we want people to really live up to the spirit of the sports, sportsmanship. And I certainly encourage that. And there are many aspiring athletes that will be going to Beijing, and I would like to cheer them on, too, which I think is only natural. I don't think you really have to link Olympics to politics.

Now, there certainly may be problems with China, but even so, they are striving to improve things. They're on the way to improve things, and we'd like to closely watch how they do. In the past, Japan has e through various experiences, and the U.S. and others criticized Japan for certain behaviors. So we have had experience in that reality, and we are now here today. So we really have to be -- have humility in asking ourselves, do we have the right to make those points to China and others.

Now, I would not hope that there will be chaos in China. I would not want Chinese to bee unhappy. We are neighbors, after all, and it will good for Japan if our neighbors are in a sound state, as well. So with that in mind, as well, I shall attend the Opening Ceremony.

MODERATOR: It's time, so we'd like to conclude the press conference at this time.